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Rotorua Morning Post, Volume 2, Issue 549, 5 June 1933, Page 7

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france and hitler STILL WATCHFUL ALTHOUGH NO REAL FEAR OF WAR. BRITAIN'S STRONG POSITION. With the possible exception of the Socialists, few peoplq in Franee had any illusions tabout Germany. "We were fully prepared for Hitler's advent; it did not. surprise us in the least; we knew the way Gefmhny was going. And, as we were not surpris;ed, we were not partieularly shocked." Thiis M. Flandin, the former Finance Minisfer, in "ah, intervdew with your correspondent, writes the Paris representative of the Manchester Guardian in that journal. "The Socialists," M. Flandin continued, "ar.e more worried than we are. We never really ■believed in Germany's friendshiip. In the days of Briand we all talked rapprocheinent; the majority of the Ch'amher voted for Briand; the papers cracked up Briand, hut in their hearts the people had no great faith in the Briand policy, even though' they were prepared to give it a chance. "The voter looks at foreign affairs," M. Flandin continued, "much as he looks at financial affairs. There is a little hourgeois in my constituency wh'om I once asked why he always voted Socialist. 'I am a man of the Left,' h'e said, 'for I am anti-clerical and I believe in progress; but, mind you!' he laughed, 'I don't keep my voting paper and my pocket-book in the same pocket'!" Franee is profoundly pacificist today, but nobody in Franee, on the Left or the Right, has any faith in Geranany. Franee may he roughly divided into two classes of people; these who take the . pessimistic view that she must rely upon herself, strengthen her army, whatever happems, consolidate her military alliances with Belgium, Poland, and the Little Entente, and trust to luck as far as Britain is concerned. The Nationalist point of view is that if war comes Fnance will have to make the hest of it. The only thing that will prevent war is a clear statement) by Britain that she will intervene. The menace of Britain's intervention, the Nationalists believe, would consolidate peace indefinitely. "France's Best Friend." The Left still believes in "organising peace" diplomatically through the League of Niations, through new pacts and security agreements. It demands the international control of armaments, the respect by Germany of the rules of this international game (abolition of the formidahle semi-military organisations, which have no equivalent in Finance, and so on), and is prepared, always within the framework of .such international "peace p-acts," to agree to a certain amount of disarmament. In other words, the menace of Hitler's Germany must We lessened by international pressure. A frequent remark made to-day hoth by men of the Right and by men of the. Left is that "Hitler is France's best friend. He is doing his hest to turn the whole world against Germany." To which the men of the Right sometimes add. "He has revealed to the world the real faee of Germany — we knew it all along. But until now nobody would believe us." The French Socialists, incidentally are frankly disappointed by the way in which the German Socialist lead.ers have surrendered to the Hitler regime. They refuse to believe that this surrender can have a tactical value. "It took Mussolini four years to wipe out the comparatively weak Italian Socialists; the powerful Social Democratic organisation has been wiped out in a few weeks. They might have put up a fight; that is not how our men acted in the Commune and on similar occasions. We know they are terrorised, hut still — " Dangerous Possibilities. M. Leon Blum and other prominent Socialists whom I saw all agreed that "Franee was keeping . cairn — almost surprisingly cairn." But they also agreed that there might he a sudden and tremendous ch'ange in French puhlic opinion. Two things could cause it: a surprise attack on Poland and — p-erhaps — the restomtion of the Hohenzollerns. In the French popular mind, they said, the Hohenzollerns were too closely assoeiated with war. Hitler was still an unknown quantity; he still might have too much trouble at home to h'ave time to worry about a foreign war; but the Hohenzollerns, in the French mind, meant war and noth'ing hut war. A surprise attack on Poland is considered by almost everybody in Franee as a possibility. The feelings towai*ds Poland are, in the main, friendlier than they were six months ago. "With Hitler's Germany between ns we shall have, willy-nilly, to pull together." The Polish' army, and partieularly the Polish air force, is highjy spoken of in Franee. "The Polish air "force,'' I was told by a prominent Nationalist, "is better than ours. The Germans think that a war with' Poland will be a walkover; hut they are miaking a big mis+o]cp " Not Possible. When I asked whether he considered a Polish attack on Germany possible, he declared that it was "out of ' the question." "There may he one or two Polish generals who are thinking of it, hut they are kept well in hand." As for German aviation, almost everybody; agreed that it was not as terrible as the man ih the street thought. "I know something about aviation,'! M. Flandin told me. "After all, wlmt, does it matter wheth'er the bombardment comes from the air or elsewhere? And besides, our own air force is not as had as some people think. Our war material is good. land our eastern fortifications af'e. . practically completed. Frankly, I dori't believe ih war; but, of course, accidents may Happen." ... _ The general. opinion is that if.a war is to .coiiVe it .will cqme ^suddeniy,; witliout deeiif ation,, . witli'Qut formaL departures of ambassiadors, and so .on. But even the Nationalists do npt feeliqvp that war will come. / With regarq to italy opinion is divided. In. the niairi! ftqwever^ the Jtalf^n . . ■spirit is . npl, taken vprji ||Eoqsl$L "They sliout h lbt, buti,ithpY 'doii't, me"an it las seriously as tli'e Germans." Almost Werywhere there is a sincere desire for a better understanding with Italy.