The Times. PUBLISHED ON TUESDAY AND FRIDAY AFTERNOONS. FRIDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1918. THE HOHENZOLLERNS.

Pukekohe & Waiuku Times, Volume 7, Issue 432, 6 December 1918, Page 2

The Times. PUBLISHED ON TUESDAY AND FRIDAY AFTERNOONS.

FRIDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1918. THE HOHENZOLLERNS.

"We nothing extenuate, nor let down aught in malice

In view of the abdication of the Emperor of Germany, now reported to have been definitely signed, the appearance of " Wil-

Ham Hohehzollern and Co." by Mr E. h Fox is decidedly opportune. Mr Fox is an American journalist who visited Germany on three separate occasions, in 1915, 1916, and 1917, and, as Germany Was at that time anxious to cultivate American opinion, was given exceptional facilities for seeing and doing things by the authorities. He devotes a good deal of space to the question of the Emperor's responsibility. Of course, William 11. of Germany must shoulder the formal responsibility for the war, tor his was the supreme power, his the hand that signed the mobilisation order. But how far was he acting on his own initiative and how far was he the instrument of his entourage, the tool of a camarilla of unscrupulous advisers ? Mr Fox does not attempt to give any final verdict, but he suggests that

in the earlier years of his reign William 11. had genuine leanings towards peace, that as time went on he fell more and more under the influence of the army, the navy, and the " big business "

interests (the last-named of which saw in war the only method of repairing their precarious fortunes), and that at last he identified himself almost completely with the bellicose elements of Germany. " Conceptions of the Kaiser," observes the author, '' have been written, presenting him as an arch hypocrite, the greatest actor in the world, and as a madman." But Mr Fox thinks that he is neither a char-

latan, a poseur, nor a lunatic

"He Is dangerously sincere," a super egotist who lias supreme confidence in himself and the destiny of the German people. He is a religious fanatic, the essence of whose creed is the

divine right by which he holds his sceptre and the divine inspiration of his words and deeds. He thinks himself literally above the law ; he is the Lord's anointed, who can do no wrong ; through him, the Germany that he rules enjoys a like immunity. This is a state fot religious mysticism akin to that which Browning has analysed in " Johannes Agricola " ; it is not madness, though it may become madness. And because of this conception of himself, he takes himself very

seriously, Doth in his role of j monarch and commander-in-chief. He is no figure-head. Though his general staff - makes the plans, the ultimate decision always rested with the Emperor, who was otten called upon to settle the final military policy. For Instance, in 1915 Falkenhayn, the Chief of Staff, proposed an offensive in France, and guaranteed the fall of Verdun ; Hindenburg strongly opposed this, holding that Russia should be dealt another blow, which would put her out of the war once and for all. William 11. decided in favour of Falkenhayn's plan, and when the latter failed to redeem his promise relieved him of his command. The Emperor is also said to have dictated the movements which exposed the German flank in the first battle of the Marne. When the General Staff was clamouring for unrestricted submarinism, and the Foreign Office was resisting, it was the Emperor's verdict that gave victory to the Staff. These three instances show the reality of his power : the major decisions were left to him, and he exercised his judgment independently, though usually with disastrous results. In the Germany of which Mr Fox writes, the Emperor " ever holds his hand on the war pulse." No doubt the General Staff would prefer him in Berlin, for William 11. is no Napoleon. "But he spent more time at the front than at home. Whenever the situation seems critical, there goes the Kaiser to encourage his troops. Whenever a great victory has been won, there goes the Kaiser—to thank his troops. Whenever a jMjg|iißtetry has been captured—'servia, Roumania—there goes the Kaiser, to strike awe into the hearts of the captive populace—sawe and respect for the Prussian eagle. Whenever an ally is becoming a little uneasy—there goes the Kaiser, to stiffen weak backs and bolster tottering causes. . . The Imperial ego is such that he believes his presence at the front is a force equal to 60,000 men, a force of inspiration," and seeing the enthusiasm with which soldier and civilian alike greeted the Emperor wherever he went, Mr Fox wondered whether he might not after all be right. But' there was another side to it. Would the people hold to him through thick and thin ; would their devotion, sincere enough in victory, stand the test of adversity ? In defeat the action might be even greater, because of the divine infallibility which the Emperor had claimed. Mr Fox does not pretend to have the gift of prophecy, but, like others, early in 1917 he foresaw the possibility of a colosal smash, in which the house of Hohenzollern would come crashing down amidst the debris of a wrecked German Empire. The Emperor's vivid and complex personality is the centre round which all things German revolve, but incidentally M r Fox gives some interesting glimpses «f the lesser orbs—the Genera's and Chancellors who have played brief parts in the war; the Crown Prince, who is by no means the fool of contemporary caricature, but a very shrewd young man, who knew the value of advertisement, and had very successfully consolidated his position in Germany. Mr Fox holds that while the father was no actor, the son was a first-rate one. As the commander of an army, he was wise enough to invite and follow the advice of more experienced soldiers. The author has also a good deal to say about the Krupps, Ballin, Prince Max, and other celebrities, and their work in the war, and he closes with a note of warning. Let no one be under any illusion about Germany's determination and ability to resume her commercial activities, and recapture what she has lost. Her factories have kept going and she will be in a position to "dump" quantities of commodities. The dismantling of the Belgian and French factories was no mere war measure, it was intended to take effect in peace as well; for it will be years before these industries get going again. For some time in Germany a commission of industrial experts has been making arrangements for the renewal of aggressive commercial expansion. Indeed, writof l'» 17, Mr Fox declares that ' Germany is paying almost as much attention to the economic war that will come with peace as she is to the war to-day."