HANDS OFF THE THRONE.

Pukekohe & Waiuku Times, Volume 6, Issue 292, 13 July 1917, Page 1 (Supplement)

HANDS OFF THE THRONE.

By HORATIO BOITOMLKY

Taking note of certain signs of the attitudo of the public towards of the most trenchant and inspiring forward a powerful plea for the as we know it in this

T AM neither fawning courtier nor -®- servile sycophant —but I honour the King. To say that Ido so because of his personal virtues would be an impertinence. To place him on p, pinnaclo of individual superiority over land above his fellow men would be time-serving hypocrisy. I loved King Edward because he was just one of ourselves, and I doubt not that King George makes no claim to be, except by heredity, anything more. But I honour my King becalufsei he is my King. Just that. Very conventional, you think ? Let us see.

What would you put in place of the King? Answer me that. Would YOU like periodical Presidential elections, I wouldn't. We are not France, and we are not America. We are an old, easy-going people—with a temperament all our own. And we want a symbol, an emblem, a rallying point—an outlet for our latent patriotism—our pridn of Empire.* We are, in reality, the greatest Republic in the world—but we prefer an hereditary President. As I pointed out before, that stives trouble and bad feeling—and money. Wo want a heda, a centre, of the social life of the nation— a fountain of honour ; and let it lie said, in justice to his Majesty, that nobody can raise the finger of derision at any of his Honours Lists. Yes, I am all for% King. So much for the abstract.

Still, in the upheaval of this war, the Throne hac become exposed to an undercurrent of criticism., and even of, suspicion, which calls for re-, joinder. Yet, without a doubt, the sentiments of the British people at home and overseas —yes, even in Ireland —are overwhelmingly monarchical—loyalist to the core; but there are elements of restlessness, and nothing is to be gained by ignoring the existence of opinions founded on, misconception an drich in possibilities of disaster. The time is therefore opportune for a restatement of the case for. Monarchy upon up-to-date practical lines. The British royalist has no need to bo ashamed of his political faith, or to assume a tone of apology in the face cf the Republican chapenge; the constitutional monarchy of Great Britain lias bottep stood the test of time and the challenge of circumstance than any other system of government which the conflict of centuries has produced. *• * * But living that general proposition aside, let me come to the circumstances of the day . I will speak plainly. Better by far to havo frank discussion in ♦lie open than gossiping in corners, rtnd sinister scribbling in the Presss. No one denies' the patent fact that the Sovereign of the British Empire has German blood in his veins. As a loyal supporter of the Throne, I have no hesitation in setting down this historic circumstance in black and white; and a i a British citizen I sny frankly, but respectfully, that I wish it were ot?ierwise. If I were a German subject I should probably be shot for parading the fact that the Kaiser's mother was i'.n English Princess'; whilst, under sime Republics, I certainly should not be permitted make fred with the pedigree cf the President: As it is, I write with a reasonable assurance of eating to-morrow's breakfast in freedom a.nd comfort. Constitutional Kingship has no terrors for free citizens. A-; the most casual students of history know, it is the bulwark of their liberties —the warrant of their civil rights.

Tliid wretched whispering about the Teutonic pedigree of the House of Brunswick is repugnant to the spirit r,f honest men. By all means let us have the truth, but it must be l the

One German soldier is worth more than all your old people. Aiyd remember you i'.re the vanquished andiwe are the coiijuerors and can take what we please." I left tlie mny rows of sheltering huts rt-nd walked over to the station, where a train laden with about 600 s&uls who had been fed and tended in this first ■'clearing station" was getting ready to start, and I talked with many of the women leaning eagerly out of the .windows.

Ericli had her own ]>itifnl t.ilo, but one woman's story arrested mo more tliiru most. Mind X was i\n intelligent, foreful woman of about 55. and she tokl nie slip came from one of the villages that had just been freed by the Englivh. She had been put in prison for a fortnight by the Germans for the following offence. During the Huns' occimition the French inhabitants were fed with marvellous accounts of German victories and of the number of French prisoners the Germans liaitt mule— according to themselves —and at the end of two or three weeks s?ie totalled them up and said, with inimitable French humour. to the oflkvr <|uartered on her: "Tiens, monsieur, Miioe you have 111 ;de so many prisoner??; there is no one left in France, for you Invc captured more than our whole population !"

Then the train rolled sh-.rly out, everv v. inflow crowded vitli heads, lr.ostlv hitlers', and le.ui arms waved H i the cry went im- from bundled.; of Ibroats, '''Vive la France! Vive rAiigl'- terre!" And even at th >t same m. ment nnotlie;' train sterxned slow'v in to the opDosite platform and a fresh stivam of homeless derelicts' stiggeivd out. da Red and t.rembliii" - with the recollection of the burning homes they had just left, waiting lo be taken to the long empty lints ready to shelter them.

THE TRUTH ABOUT THE BRITISH MONARCHY.

(Editor of "Joim Bull.")

restlessness in various quarters in the Throne, Mr. Bottomley, in one articles lie has ever written, puts monarchical system of Government country.—" Sunday Pictorial."

whole truth and nothing but the truth. The father of King George V. was the finest type of an English gentleman who ever shot' a covert or rodte to hounds —the true kinslman of many a gallant youth, who, in this cruel war, lias cheerfully exchanged broad English acres for six narrow feet of Flanders' soil. Are we in danger of forgetting that George the Fifth is the son of Edward the Seventh ? True, his grandfather was a German —though not, thank God, a Prussian—and his ancestors, generations back, were men of German blood and speech; but are we to deny to the King of All the Britains —to this quiet, gentle Englishman—the son of Edward the Great and Alexandra the Good —the consideration that we commonly accord to the naturalised German of the day before yesterday? It is monstrous, revolting, unthinkable. Doets not everyone know that in every thought, sentiment and aspiration, King George is British of the British— that his heart bleeds for the sufferings of his people; that only the unwise restraint of Ministers prevented him from identifying himself even more vompletelv with their labours, and sharing in fuljer measure their fierce ordeal of blood and fire? In God's name, let us be fair —even ta the King!

One thing only can more firmly cement the bonds that bind the Empire to the Throne. Let the Prince of Wales lead a British bride to the > ltar. And let him delete Ich Dien from his crest. If necessary, let this be done at .tho bidding of Parliament. To the feeble Challenge of a revived Republicanism an All-British Monarchy will be a crushing reply. But remember that the Crown is greater than the King; the Majesty of the Throne trnlnscends the dignity of its temporary occupant. This is the essential principle of constitutional Kingship. "The King never dies," runs the legal fiction wnich connotes a political fact; we, speak not of the "death" of the Sovereign, but of the "demise oi the Crown." The historio Throne of Great Britain is the focus and centre of the life of the Empire—the august cynosure of the loyal native races, the lodestar of India's teeming mililons. A dread responsibility rests with those who, in pursuit of some roademic will-o'-the-wisp, some theoretical "perfection" of government, would tear down til's living monument of power, and erect in it-, stead 1 ' some idol of the market-place—sub-stituting for the tradition of centuries seme tawdry creature of the hour.

How, 1 wonder, would Mr. H. G. Wells propose to govern India apart from the burning fervour of loyalty to the King-Emperor, which is the dynamic principle of British rule in the East' How would he administer the "Crown" Colonies —preserving their loyalty, retaining the respect and procuring the contentment of mixed population*—in the absence of the Crown? What tie would the new Republicans propose to substitute for that devotion to the Throne which burns like a sacred fire from tlie Hudson to the Ganges, from Alauka to the Cape? It is idle to tell me that a Republican revival implies 110 disrespect to the person ol the Sovereign. It involves something far more serious than that. It constitutes an insult to the Majesty of the Crown—a crime whi'*h tue Nemesis of history .will bo swift to avenge, and slow to forgive.

There can be no useful comparison between the free Monarchy of Britain and thi 1 prostrate autocracy of Russia, or the military absolutism of Germany; as far as this country iis concerned, the battle between Democracy and Despotism was fought to a. finish three centuries ago. The triumph of tae popular < nv-e was completed' in the. Revolution ol' and finally cmbodiwl in tlie Act of Settlement establishing the Hanoverian Line. Every schoolboy knows the facts, though a writer of the cHihre of Mr. H. G. Wells seems lragelv to have missed their significance. Paradoxical as it may seem, it h true to say that.the royal authority is the le;'st conspicuous attribute of the Kingship or Hritain. The Throne stands as ;i sign and symbol, not of personal rule, but of Democratic sovereignty. It typifies the reign of Law and bears aloft tl.e ensign of Liberty. It has been the good fortune of Great Britain to succeed when) Rome and Curtilage failed, to re-onxile the elaiyL-; of Empire with tlie rights of Freedom: a lid of tliis inspired compromise, til. l Throne i; the visible embodiment. the li\ing token.

When ail is .->:iid this "sceptred isle" r.f ours enjoys n larger measure of true liberty than any other nation fin earth —even the Great Republic of the West. There is not a man, woman or child living who ha-, suffered an instant- of oppression tiiwugii the action or influ 4 - ence of the Cimwii: v.'ii'st to millions it is the >vmbol of a beniunant Power that has br ughl light out of darkne.s and rekindlel the star of hope.

T,ct other nali'Ki-' .lia.no their destinv :-s th.v- nb'-s-. <bir ."hove I made. f.ONC i.IVK THF KlXfi! !!<>;> \TI!) HOTT'^MI.FiV.