WHAT CAN AMERICA DO IN THIS WAR?

Pukekohe & Waiuku Times, Volume 6, Issue 272, 4 May 1917, Page 2 (Supplement)

WHAT CAN AMERICA DO IN THIS WAR?

Under tho heading, "What Could America Do in Case of War?" the

"Outlook,"' tho most important of all the Lu'tcd St abas imagaauias (exPresident Roosevelt is one of tiio ed'tors), has a remarkably informative article. It was written on February 21, before America declared for war, but after the Germans had announced their ruthless submarining policy. Just as it shows what America could do if she joined in lawful war against lawless war, it may bo taken for granted that sho will now do. Here the portion of tlie article setting out what America could do 'n case of war. After putting the case plainly for i.nd agiunst, the writer proceeds :

fTiRESE are the things we can do: — ■*- Not only can we prohibit all shipment of goods between this country and Germany, but we can join with Great Br tain in prohibiting the shipment of goods to neutral jwrts intended for Germany. and from neutral ports all goods obtained in Germany. Wo can thus make still more effectual tho not ineffectual blockade which Great Britain ha.<j instituted. Tho indications are that this blockade is the weapon which Germany most fears, and lias the most reason t-o fear. More than any other now neutral Power we could do much by reinforcing the blockade of Germany to compel Germany to sue for a peace based on justice and liberty.

MILITARY FORCES ON SEA AND LAND.

Wo can make use of our navy. This is our lirst line of defence, and t is the first arm of the Government which could bo used to enforce the purposes of tliis lawful war. What tue navy can do wo shall not pretend to say. That Ls something for the experts of the Navy department to determine. It is sufficient to say mat, though our navy is not as powerful as we would wish, it is by no means powerless. It is clear that the whole country jshould support the navy in every way possible and bend every effort to strengthen it as the first step toward effective warfare. In this lawful war against lawless war we can contribute to the fighting land forces. Many thousands of Americans have already crossed the Canadian border and enlisted with Canadian troops for campaigning in trance and Belgium. Thrs tiicy have done despite the fact that recruiting in tho United States has been impossible. If recruiting offices were opened in tho Unted States—as they could be in time of war —llO one can even approximately estimate how many would offer their services. It is well known that the announcement m the papers that Mr. Roosevelt has offered to raise a force of volunteers in case of war has brought him a host oi applications from all over tho country. The Rough Rders jiho volunteered for the Spanish-American War, when the appeal to courage and chivalry was far less than now, and the militiamen who volunteered to guard tho Texan border, though there was little appeal to tiie love of adventure or to tho love of country, furnish an indication that it would not bo impossible to raise in six months a not insignificant expeditionary body of men to reinforce the French and English in the trenches. And though the number thus volunteering, compared with the millions already in the field, might not and probably would not bo large, the moral effect of such a reinforcement, voluntary on the part of the soldiers themselves, but backed by the power of the United States Government and by tho united public sentiment of the people of tho United States, would be very great. It would at the same time hearten the French and dishearten the Germans. And tho raising of that force in this country would not only havo an immediate moral effect during the period of its training on this side of the water, and a continued moral effect of ite adriv.il in Europe for further training and for participation in the fighting under the American flag, but a real moral and political effoct in tho part that America would play in the settlement of the issues at the close* of the war.

In addition to such an expeditionary force, necessarily not large, we can at once institute in this country a system of universal military training, and by that means announce the determination of tlio American democracy not only to defend its own territory from invasion, but its obligation to defend democracy and l'berty from violation.

INDUSTRIAL AXI) FINANCIAL

POWER

Wo can mobilise our industrial resources. Thero is no question that if we enter this lawful war wo can redouble our efforts in amount and efficiency in providing munitions for tlio Allies. What England has done we can do. England has not only raised an army of millions and equipped them, but at the same time has provided munitions in large quantities for her Allies. Though tho shipment of munitions abroad might l>e temporarily interrupted, tho efforts for the supply of munitions. which would have been .so far largely un-co-ordmated, would, under war conditions, be organised under government supervision.

Tii tius lawful war lawlcws war wo have at our disposal the roMMiTces of a continental country, and wealth derived from these we can put at the disjsosal ol the other nations with which we should act in military concert. It ig probable that in this respect more than in any other wo can make our power felt in this war. Mr. Theodore H. Price quotes in Coinmerce and Finance J lrom tlio Cleveland "Presv as follows: "With America in, it would lie the men and money of practically the whole world against Germany. We arc proud of America, hut even in our pride we do not realise how wonderifilly strong this nation is—what a gigantic weight of money power and man power America would place iti the scales against a foe. "In wealth we have : " Nearly douMc the wealth of tho British Kmpire, "S:\ times the wealth of Russia, "Twelve tiling the wealth of Italy. "Sixteen times the wealth of Japan. "Our resources are nearly a niatoh for the losourees of ; ill the Allies, big and little, put together.

"Our resources arc two and a half times those of Germany. Austria, and Turkey combined.

Add I nolo Sam to the forces fight

ing Germany, and the balance of resourre.s against that unhappy nation would lie about five to one."

This nation has been of great financial aid to Great Britain and franco, am! France and Great Britain have in turn financed other Allies. The best judges Itelieve that if we licoame nil active participant in thi* war we should not- only not have to withdraw financial aid but would be able greatly to 'neroaM' it. \\ e >hoiild of course give our fir-4 consideration to our fir.-t l ; ne of

defence —the navy; and we s Imve to give tnought to the de ment of our military arm. thouf Mime months its effectiveness wot chiefly moral; but financially we Ih> at once of immense lienefit t cause of libertv and law; for Col could at oncv vote a very large la the billions jierhaps, putting it s disposal of the Entente Allies, whom we should l>e acting in oo By means of financial assistance, in concrete terms means a vast fl goods and supplies of every sot could thus use our inexhaustib sources much more treely and k and openly than we are now doii

h> the end that we use power efficiently. public 0] in America should at onct ouire Congress to increase powers of the Council <<l Nations fence. so as to make it a real ex« bc.dv with large authority: and, over, public opinion should requin C.tuiH I of National Defence to pre* it- power broadly. Tins not the time to take c < f our tears What America oirg do she can do.