Will Hindenburg Shoot the Kaiser?

Pukekohe & Waiuku Times, Volume 6, Issue 270, 27 April 1917, Page 1 (Supplement)

Will Hindenburg Shoot the Kaiser?

The following remarkable interview was given to an "Answers" representative by a neutral who for sixteen months had been with the German Amy as a military attache. Ho was in London on diplomatic business for several weeks, but has returned to the Continent. Hi« views of the probable menace to the Hohenzollern dynasty are startling- they open a vista hitherto undreamed of by student.; of the war.' It would seem, too, according to recent cables, that there is some foundation in fact for revolutionary methods even in Germany.

IF there is a revolution in Germany, it will be led by Hindenburg." This is tho astounding statement mado to mo tho other day by a iieutral mlitary attache with the German Army who has just come from German Headquarters on urgent private business to London for a few days. " What I sav is a fact," lie continued.

"If the Hohenzollern dynasty is to bo overthrown, Hindenburg is the man who will overthrow it, and before the war is over you may see Yon Hindenburg tho first President of the United German States Republic." I expressed my anxiety to hear his reasons for this astonishing forecast of events. "Well," explained the attache, "you fee, Germany is ripening for a revolution. That you have heard; but Germany is riper for a Tevolt than many people imagine. It is not merely that tho mass of tho peopta are suffering greatly, and are growing daily more discontented and anxious for peace. However great their suffering and their discontent, the masses in Germany would probably never dare to break out into open revolt. There might be riots, but these would easily be quelled by the military authorities. " But it is not the masses .alone who aro discontented >n Germany. The wealthy middle cla«s is in an even greater state of anger and restlessness than tho masses. Now, wealthy merand bankers are not the sort of persons to sit tamely down and watch their businesses rapidly dwindling away without making themselves heard. I happen to know that a couple of weeks ago there was a private meeting of somo of the most influential commercial and business men in Berlin. "The gathering was held at the house of Herr Ballin, the great shipping magnate. Herr Ballin is one of the Kaiser's most intimate friends, but Herr Ballm is also a business man, and his vast Ifnrt'Jte Intetrests are of tm'uch more concern to h'im than his friendship with the Emperor. Ho point-blank told the meeting that they had been utterly misled by the Emperor, to whom he attributed all Germany's mistakes in the war and her failure to achieve victory. 'Our loyalty to the Emperor has cost us half our fortune already,' he said. 'We shall not allow it to cost us the other half.' A resolution was passed at the meeting to send the following message to tho Kaiser, which readied him at Headquarters whilst I was there: 'Win the war or end the war.' " "And if tho Kaiser won't win the tho war and won't end it, you mean that there will bo a revolution in Germany?" I suggested to the attache. "Wait," he replied, "for a moment. I am coming to that. I believe that there would bo a revolution in Germany to-morrow but for on© fact—that no revolution in any country, least of all in Germany, is possible that is not supported by the Army, and the only man whom tho Army would follow in a revolt against the Emperor would be Hindenburg. " \"on Hindenburg is at the pinnacle of his popularity. Ho is the idol of the German people. For everyone who displays a Kaiser button on h's coat 20 wear a Hindenburg button. All the successes that have attended' the German arms—and those successes have, of course, been magnified tenfold in their completeness and importance to the German people—have been scored by the German idol. And if Hindenburg is an idol to the civil population in Germany, he is something even more to tho soldiers of to tho rank and file of the German Army. To the soldiers he is something like a god. Officers at the German Headquarters have told me that when messages from Hindenburg to the troops are read to them on parade they are reoeived with the wildest cheering, whilst messages from their King-Em-peror are now often received with no greater demonstration than the official salutes that must bo mado when a message is given to the soldiers from tho Kaiser.

ROBBED OF HIS POWER

"This popidarity of Hindenburg—a popularity far greater than the Kaiser ever possessed—is a most significant thing, and its significance has not been lost on tho Kaiser and the Imperial Family. Tts significance consists in the fact that it mikes a revolution possible, provided ii is led by Hindenburg. ' T T p to ;i coll pie of month'! ago there was no: a shadow of reason to suspect that F mdenburg was not as he still pretends to be —the ni(«t realous, loval, and dcoted officer of hi«"Emperor. now T told von of a meeting of merchants and bankers he'd at Herr TVillin'«: limine. W.ll. two days Inter a few i f them met nira'n at tho residence of Ff 'i'i- Kromper wealthy banker and

rated T? ruiMicnn lender. Tl"» meetillwm strictlv tviva'e. and what ex-

aetly tcok place is not known; but I heard on most reliable authority that Hindenburg was present, and that the prospect of a revolt against the Hohenzollern dynasty and the establishment of a Republic in Germany was definitely discussed. "That the Kaiser heard of Hindenburg's presence at this meeting is certain" and he was promptly summoned to tho Imperial presence to explain his presence at a meeting at tho house of a notorious Republican. 'I was told by an equerry who was present at that "interview between tho old general and his Emporor that the former apparently satisfied the Kaiser by saying, with a laugh: 'Your Majesty, Herr Krumper, the banker, is a fri'e.id of mine. I know nothing of Herr Krumper, tho Republican.' 'But,' said the equerry, 'I will you this much tho Kaiser was not satisfied with this explanation, and he is now watching Von Hindenburg as closely as a cat watches a mouse. You may see Hindenburg dismissed from the Army any day.' " "And if Hindenburg goes there will bo no revolution?" I said, as the attache paused. "But Hindenburg won't go," repled tho attache, "for the simple reason taht tho Kaser would now bo afraid to dismiss him. It might precipitate a revolution. But tho Emperor knows now qute well tho danger thta threatens tho Hohenzollern dynasty. As affairs now stand, that danger will become imminent should even a partial collapse of the German resistance occur on tho Western front. That would give Hindenburg and the Republicans the opportunity thta they are now waiting for."

"And then?" I asked. "To tho German peoplo Hindenburg could in the event of a collapse on the Western front," replied tho attache, "present himself as the man who could not only have avoided but could have acliieved victory, only that he was hampered and interferred with by the Emperor. In 6uch circumstances Hindenburg might lead a completely and immediately successful revolt against the Imperial dynasty. The Kaiser would be accused of being responsible for tho German defeat, _r,nd probably tho same fate as ho lias—'lieteu out to others would be meted out to him —he would be shot, and the Ccswn Prince might meet with tho same fato. "Remember, oneo a revolution starts it spreads like wildfire, and, directed by a ruthless leader like Hindenburg, a revolt n Germany against the Hohenzollern dynasty would be carried out with a completeness that would almost bo certain to involvo the execution of tho Emperor. Such r. revolution, however, would not mean an immediate collapse of tho German resistance. Hindenllifrg would probably lat'itempt to carry on the war for a short time; but ere tho Allies reached German soil Hindenburg would sue for peace, lay the b'.amo of his defeat on tho Emperor, and secure for himself and the now German Republic! tho best teiwi be could. "In such a way the war may yet end. Ono thing is certain. Tho Kaiser knows tho danger that threatens tho Hohenzollern rule; and, believe me, it is a danger that nothing but prwe before tho threatened collapse on tli3 Western front can avert.

" Tho situation for the Emperor grows worse daily. Nothing is more noticeable and obvious —net only to him, but to all bis entourage—than his loss of popularity with the Army. Thero havo been occasions when the Emperor has been received by tho troops, paraded before him at headquarters prior to their departuro for the fighting-line, in absolute silence instead of the spontaneous cheers that lin tho early days oi the war would always greet him on such occasions. On one occasion not long since a general commanding a division gave orders to the troops to cheer directly the Emperor came on the par-ade-ground. The troops obeyed tho order reluctantly and with a halfheartr/iness that was all the nioro notceablo on account of the tremendous and spontaneous cheers they accorded to Hindenburg when lie arrived shortly afterwards. So furious was the Kaiser at this that he declined to utter more than a few words to tho troops, and then rode off, bidding Hindenburg accompany him. Hindenburg was a.lso to havo addressed the troops, but the Kaher would not permit him to do so. "In tho decline of his popularity wth the Army tho Kaiser the whole foundation on which tho existence of his dynasty depends crumbling away. Tn tho popularty of Ins general with tho troops he sees the sign of the new power that will replace the rule of the Hohenzollrns."