IF AMERICA FIGHTS.
In the light of bard facts the German Chancellor's latest utterance in so fa- j as it concerns the United States, may j bo characterised as a. piece of hyprccr- I tical humbug. It is an obvious attempt to put America in the wrong, '-.» making it appear that Germany has done everything possible to avert wai between tho two nations. How ha* Germany striven to preserve the peace? And if what Count von BethmannHolhveg now says is true, how comes it that President Wilson found himself in a position which made it impossible for h ; m to refrain longer from the severance of diplomatic relations? Peace overtures in tha form of insults are not calculated to promote international amity, especially when tnev are supplemented by the wilful murder on tho high seas of citizens of the nation to whom the insulting overtures are addressed. The truth is, as Count Hollweg well knows, that every promise, every pledge, tnat the President of the United States lias extorted from Germany, has Ix-en deliberately set at nought. Moreover, insult was added to injury by Germany's intimation to America that her traffic with GreatBritain must be confined to a weekly passenger ship, pa'nted like a barber 9 pole, sailing at prescribed times over a r rescrihed course to a prescribed port! Such is the definition of "the freedom of the seas" that Germany offered for the acceptance of tho United States. Henco the breaking off of diplomatic relations and the possibility of still more drastic action. The Chancellor affirms that Germany doe 3 not desiro war with America. His words are refuted by the crime* of his- countryV submarines. The 'J boats are certainly doing their best t:> provoke hostilities, and there is nothing in Count Hollweg's speech suggestive of an intention to modify their piratical operations. On the contrary, his words may bo fairly construed into a declaration of Germany's intention to carry on restricted submarining whether tho United States enters the war or not. The question now is, will America '"'eat thj leek," or will she fight? And, if she fights, how will sho set about it? How can she damage the enemy and help the Allies? Mr Frederick Grundy, a distinguished American journalist, is evidently of opinion that American intervention would bo a good thing for all concerned. In tho course of a lengthy article, contributed to a contemporary, ho expresses the opinion that the Ger-man-American element wou'd prove no hindrance to effective intervention. "With Bernstorff cleared out and America at war," he says, "the Gcir-man-Amcrican will realise that he is not an alien, but an American citizen. Ho may not lie enthusiastic over «i war against the Fatherland, but he, or his father, did not leave it because ho loved it: he will not raise his hand against the country of his adoption and his dollars; and if he should raise his voico too loud, the average American will tell yo i that he can safely be left to th? tender tire of the American police." Mr Grundy takes it for granted that a big American army can bo rap'dly enlistod. And if soldiers can bo made in England in six months or less, it is reasonable, he argues, to suppose that they can lie made in the same timo in America. Optimists have been disappointed before to-day, and tho war may not be over in six months, in which ho remarks, "a strong force n reserve some six months or so hence might bo of small value." As to moro immediate results, Mr Gnmdy says that in the event of war the German super-submarines, of which two have already made tho American coast, will certainly find some employment for the navy. Tne American coast 's "nervy." But although it has been allowed to "run down," the United States Fleet should still he of sennee to tho Allies in such work as convoying. And it must nit be forgotten that by America becoming a belligerent an enormous amount of German ton n.ige now interned in Amercan ports will be released for tho use of tho Allies. It is unnecessary to dwell upon the service that America has already rendered to tho Allies in the matter ol supplying guns, rifles and munitions of all sorts especially steel. When the United Statc3 : s organised for war, with all her manufacturing forces mobilised, work'ng nationally instead of indivdually, her output of munitions of every description can be practically illimitable. The effect from a financial point of view of Amercia coming into tho war is a matter liest left to the exl>ert. But tho accession of a partner with full money-bags and plenty of them must ho of groat value to any firm. But no result, perhaps, of America's participation in tho war will bo greater or more widespread than the moral effect. There is first of all the mora! effect that will be felt by all th? I>elligprents and the other neutral countries of the greatest Power still standing outside the fight coming into it on the side of right and justice. Tin's is what may bo called tho general moral effect, and is si obvious that it hardly needs to Ko mentioned. But tho American writer hold.-, that there will ho other and more particular moral effects which are of almost greater importance. Ho savs:--
T have heard many pu American in the last eighteen months declare that lie felt a sense of shame because his country was not fighting for the ideals which are her own as much as they are thorn of tho Allies. These men will have ;i burden lifted from their minds. Cpon the re*t of the American people the moral efi'e i will be even greater. War. even for right and just co, is a cruel teacher. But as the world and human nature are constituted to-day, it seems the only one that can leach certain lessons. And there can be no doubt that sooner or later tho lesson will have to Im> learned by any groat nation which is content at
such a t:mo :.s this with the holiday comforts of a pot-bellied peace. ,Her own awakening, h?rown strengtheamg, will !x) one thing that America will effect by coming into tho war. There nrj many Americans who will be glad to see the United States in the war simply because she will thereby oe forced to set her house in order, and to establish an army and a navy 6uch ?» will bu able to defen I her if the day should come when the enemy is at her gates. The. belief in the possibility even the certainty, of such a day if she remains in In.- present state ofunpreparcdness is n-\er far from the minds of some of the shrewdest thinkers in America. Few Americans or Britons will probably !. 0 found to deny that America, by fighting with tho Allies, will do another great thing. lam referring to the moral effect upon the relations between America and Great, Bnto n in particular, and in a lesser degreo between her and the other Allies. It may bo a somewhat delicate subject, but everybody must Lnow that bitter thoughts have been entertained and hard words spoken over here about America's attitude from the very outset of tho war. It is equally common knowledge that this h. ; been resented by Americans. The resultcan it bo denied ,J — has been a feeling of estrangement between the two peoples. If now they fight side by side tor the same just cause, it is certain thai this feeling will disappear, and a closer friendship than has ever existed between the two countries bo inaugurated. Even the Kaiser may benefit from America joining his adversaries. It may help him to " save his face" when lietunis to his deluded people and says, "The whole world is against us. We must ask for peace."
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Pukekohe & Waiuku Times, Volume 6, Issue 266, 13 April 1917, Page 4 (Supplement)
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1,322IF AMERICA FIGHTS. Pukekohe & Waiuku Times, Volume 6, Issue 266, 13 April 1917, Page 4 (Supplement)
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