EAST COAST SEAT.

Poverty Bay Standard, Volume I, Issue 130, 13 May 1884, Page 2

EAST COAST SEAT.

Public Meeting. A public meeting, convened by his Worship the Mayor, was held last night in Messrs. Parnell <& Boylan’s Hall, for the purpose of considering the representation of the district during the next session of Parliament. The attendance was very large. His Worship the Mayor took the chair about 8 o’clock, and opened the meeting with the following remarks: —Gentlemen, very short notice has been given to you for the purpose of which you are here assembled. I think it will be in your recollection that a few weeks back our late member, at his meeting, foretold that within a short time of the sitting of the House there would be a vacancy in this constituency. That vacancy has now occurred. Unexpected contingencies and difficulties have arisen as to the matter of filling the vacancy. We all knew that McDonald would retire, and that three gentlemen would offer themselves for the vacancy, viz,, Messrs, Gannon, Locke, and llccs. That is the position now. The unexpected contingency is the offer of Sir Julius Vogel (applause) Io represent the district. This has caused a split up among the various parties and supporters of the candidates, and we may now say that they, irrespective of the candidature, are divided, /among themselves. (Cries of “ No, No.”) I think so. I know very well that some parties and supporters are inclined to Sir Julius Vogel, and some are not. A certain number of gentlemen interested in the question of representation met to-day, and held an informal meeting, and it was then resolved, in order to set any differences at rest that the matter should be submitted to the public to consider, and therefore it was decided to call a public meeting to-night, as being the most speedy means of acquiring what the public desired in this matter. I may say that so far as I understand, the cause that has given rise to Sir Julius Vogel’s willingness to stand, eminated from some gentlemen resident in the Bay; who through their friends in Dunedin, gave information that the seat was vacant and they, knowing that Sir Julius Vogel was there, suggested that he might be willing to ta’ e the seat. He has replied that he is willing to do so. The telegram has been placed in my hands, which I think I will now read, and which will explain matters to you :— “ Shall be willing to represent East Coast during coming session if returned, but expect friends will not nominate me unless general desire exists. Cannot personally visit district, but will send address. Have no idea of permanently remaining and going into politics, but condition of the colony is such that would feel glad to be useful for few months.—Julius Vogel.” (Applause.) Gentlemen, the question we have to decide is a vital one, because the whole of the electors of the district will be guided by what you determine to-night. After we have listened to the advocates of various views, then we can decide; and it is to be hoped that whatever the resolution is, it will be sufficiently decided to enable us to go and fill the seat as we may best determine. (Applause and cries for “ Kenny.”) Mr. Dickson (in the body of the hall): — Mr. Chairman and gentlemen—(Cries of “ Platform.” Much disorder here ensued, the audience calling on the speaker to take the platform.) Mr. Kenny (who was received with applause) :—Mr. Chairman and gentlemen : You may not be aware that Sir Julius Vogel has consented that his address, which was read this morning to the informal meeting, should be read now. I move, therefore, that Mr. Gannon be requested to come up and read the address. (Great applause.) Mr. Dickson (amidst great confusion and cries) : —Mr. Mayor and fellow electors : 1 got up and stood where I sat. (Loud laughter.) I was saying some gentlemen here had asked Mr. Vogel to represent us, and I think as they are the originators, they are the people who should be heard first. (Hear, hear.) Having heard them, then we will hear the aspirants to the seat in the House of Representatives. (Hear, hear, and applause, and loud cries for “ Gannon./’) Mr. Kenny: — Mr. Chairman and gentlemen : In accordance with the idea expressed by Mr. Dickson, I, as one of the people who certainly took some of the initiatory steps to get Sir Julius Vogel to come forward, would like to say a few words. I am only a young settler here, but I have thrown in my lot with you. lam glad that Sir Julius Vogel has consented that his address shouid be read to-night. (Voice : Speak out.) lam sorry that I cannot speak loud enough for you all to hear. I have a very sore throat. I am very glad that his address will be read to you to-night. It is worth listening to, for it contains noble and brave words, words of a great statesman, who has done great things in the past, and w* o will do great things for us all in the future. (Hear, Hear.) Gentlemen, I say that this is an opportunity that we ought not to let slip. Gentlemen, although he says that he will only be in the colonies for a few months, I should be greatly pleased to see him in office again. If he gets in office again this place will not be treated as it has been in times gone bye. Recollect that this district has been virtually unrepresented for nearly four or five years. (Cries of No, no; and yes, yes.) Well, I don t wish to be misunderstood. Our former member was not a man that had that weight in the House which would enable him to do as much as some men. (Voice —Who says so?) Gentlemen, I don’t say anything against him ; but when a gentleman comes forward like Sir Julius Vogel, who is above every other colonial statesman (Cries of No, no; hear, hear, and great disorder.), taen I say that we may expect something will be done for us. In days gone by, in Taranaki, in 1870, before Sir Julius’s policy was inaugurated, I can remember the dismal conditio i of that place, and in five short years after the inf uguration of his policy, we were no longer isolated there, but were connected with the different parts of the colony by roads, railways and telegraph. Gentlemen, here is an opportunity of benefiting ourselves, and I sincerely trust it will be taken advantage of. There is one matter that is of very great importance to this district, and that is the question of Native Lands. One great cause to the depression that is felt at the present time is the action taken by Mr. Bryce in regard to Native lands. That is still threatening, for we are told that it is the intention of the present Government to resume Lie iireemtive right over Native land. I hold in my hand a telegram received since the meeting this morning. Sir Julius says : “ I have rot closely followed the Native land policy alterations. Before leaving I favored a bill by which Government was to act as agents for the sale of Native land, charging commission. How far this is practicable now I cannot say. I do not think in good faith to the Natives the Government can resume the old preemptive right. I am strongly of opinion that the Natives should be treated justly and honorably. At the same time it may fairly be questioned whether they should not in some shape contribute to the cost of railways, which, passing through their lands, make them of great value. The question is involved in considerable difficulty.—Julius Vogel.” Anol her telegram says: “I am profoundly anxious to see the North Island settled, as it capable of supporting an immense population. The whole colony is interested in promoting such settlement.” Here you have a man who is quite alive to the peculiar difficulties with which the North Island has to contend. He is equally aware of our trouble in regard to Native land, and his opinions on the subject are evidently orthordox. He is prepared to sanction a reasonable free trade in Native lands, so that the Natives maf deal with them under protective laws. I don’t wish to say a single word against the other candidates, but I think that when a man like Sir Julius Vogel comes forward we should vote for him. I have heard all sorts of harsh things said about him, but I know’ something about him. He is a warm hearted man—a man who is always particularly mindful of his friends, privately or politically. (Hear, hear.) I will now ask Mr. Gannon to come forward and read Sir Julius’s address.

Tiie Chairman —I presume that Mr. Gannon is willing to read it, thought it seems strange that one candidate should be called on to read the address of another. Mr. Gannon —Gentlemen, —I have not the slightest objection to read the address, and I don’t know that Sir Julius is a candidate yet, to begin with. I think it is a very good thing

that the address should be read, I might mention that I am not one of those who have invited Sir Julius to represent this district. I happened to bo in Napier the other day, and was much surprised when I there heard that Mr. Robert Stout was coming to Poverty Bay with an address from Sir Julius Vogei, and I was under the impression that Mr. Stout himself was going to address the electors here on Vogel’s behalf. I will now proceed to read the address of Sir Julius Vogel to

you— The Electors of the East Coast District.

Gentlemen, —In response to an intimation which I have received that it would be agreet’bie to you I should offer myself as a candidate for the representation of your district in the House of Representatives, I have pleasure in placing my services at your disposal. I did not come to the colony with the in tention of re-entering political life, nor of paying it more than a short visit. But since I have been here, what I have observed of the condition of the colony leads me to think I may be of some use towards bringing about a more encouraging state of affairs, and to wish to employ the few months at my disposal for that purpose, I will venture to hope that it is unnecessary I should vindicate my past public career in New Zealand, The power which I exercised I owed solely to the confidence of my fellow colonists, and it was their support which enabled me, with the assistance of my colleagues, to be the instrument of raising the colony from the depths of overwhelming depression to a height of prosperity that made it assume the position of one of the most prominent of the Australian colonies. Once more the colonies is in the depths of depression, though it appears to me the causes are somewhat different from those which operated in the former case. The primary causes then, as I remember them, were—lst, The reaction consequent upon the cessation of inordinate expendituie on wars with the natives. 2nd, Insufficiency of population. 3rd, Want of convenient means of communication' between producing districts and the markets for the sale or shipment of produce. 4th, Generally a want of energy and enterprise occasioned by the prevailing depression. Some of these causes more or less exist now, but they seem to me the consequence of one over-mastering cause, and that I will characterise as a general want of confidence. To make my meaning clear I must apparently digress. In this Colony, as indeed in all the colonies, the process of settlement, of opening up the country, and of establishing the social and commercial fabric has been carried on by the joint efforts of the people within and without its limits. The colonists have supplied labor, skill, energy, and enterprise, and some amount of capital. The balance of capital has been supplied by persons in Great Britain content with interest from four to ten per cent., according to the risks the various investments seemed to involve. So to speak, the British investors have been sleeping partners with the colonists, and they have done well, because generally the colonists have done well, and in many cases they have done well where the colonists have not, because it wa,s in the nature of their investments that they should have a first grasp of the profits. If the colonists had possessed the capital themselves it would have been much better for them to have provided it, than to divert portions of their profits to sleeping partners thousands of miles distant. But the colonists wanted railways, and houses, and machinery, and monetary institutions, and, in short, all the appliances common to a developed civilization. They had not the capital themselves, and they were glad to get it provided for them. As they become wealthier they can enter into many of the undertakings for which, hitherto, they have had to depend on extraneous aid. The change comes about gradually. In some of the older colonies, where there is a great deal of realised wealth, the colonial undertakings depending only on colonial capital exceed in influence and magnitude their Home rivals. The ordinary investments of foreign capital in a colony are trifling compared with the enormous amounts invested in and lent upon real property. Millions of money are lent on real property on the faith of its being a realisable asset. So much is this the case, that in course of time the whole basis of commercial soundness of a colony depends on the realizable value of its property. As bullion is the basis of security for the issue of bank-notes, so is the value of property the basis of the security of probably at least two-thirds in value of the commercial transactions of a colony. If I am so far correct, the deduction is clear that to impair the value and the ready realization of property is to vitaly injuie the general prosperity. Indeed, it is easy to see that, followed out to its extreme limit, the impairment of the value of property might bring to ruin nine-tenths of the colonists —all, in fact, who do not carry their means in a stocking or moneybox. It is quite a mistake to suppose that only the wealthy would suffer. The ramifications of civilation run through every class, and it is quite impossible for one class to suffer without effecting the others. A man owning ten acres suffers in a degree from a want of confidence as much as one owning ten thousand acres. I must now make plain the reason for this long digression. It appears to me that New Zealand has everyshing in its favor just now, as I will presently relate, excepting that it is suffering from the want of confidence in the value of property engendered by the operation of various causes during several years past. For obvious reasons I do not wish to refer to particular Governments and particular Ministers. But am I wrong in saying that one seems to vie with the other who shall inspire the most dread in the minds of holders of property ? If they wish to hold and improve their properties they are stigmatised as monopolists who must be ‘busted up”—whatever that means. If they wish to sell their lands they are denounced with equal warmth as speculators. It seems to be quite forgotten that these iieople bought their lands off the Government, and paid for it what was required of them at the time. As far as I can ascertain about half the property in the Colony can be purchased on easy terms, so frightened are its owners. It is to be remembered that insidious influences of the kind may go on for years, exerting a corroding effect without that effect appearing on the surface. The frightened land-owner, who longs to sell out and get away from the Colony, dares not say so ; he must wear a cheeiful face to his equally nervous, but apparently as cheery neighbor, and so the circle enlarges—smiles without, but bitterness within. As property becomes less “ liquid ” —to use a well-known phrase—the depression in business and the difficulties of individuals become more and more emphasised. I dislike the Property Tax. It diminishes the value of property by far more than the amount it returns. As regards its influence on personal property, it is a tax on culture, on refinement, on education, on the arts of production—on all, in fact, having a tendency to improve the Colony. As regards its effect on real estate, it is open to the vital objection that it is not expended in the neighborhood where it is raised. It is, in my opinion, most essential that money raised by direct taxation of real property should be spent by the local boards for local purposes. I see no reason to doubt that the Property Tax, as far as it is needed, can be replaced by less objectionable taxation. I am as great a friend to education as anyone can be, as I have shown in times past; but I must express the opinion that the present expenditure on education out of the Consolidated Revenue is excessive. I believe that as good an article can be purchased at a less cost. At any rate it is impossible to justify the impoundment of so large a portion of the Consolidated Revenue. Nothing can, I think, be more extravagant and unwise than to slowly construct railways in short lengths, instead of endeavoring as rapidly as possible to put them to productive uses. I attach as much importance to the indirect effect which a railway exerts in opening up country and settling population as to its immediate money returns. Major Atkinson, in a speech recently made here, pointed out that low rates had been found to stimulate the use of railways, and that the effect of that use was that during the last year passengers and goods were carried at an expenditure of something like two millions less than the same work would have cost in former days. Surely the benefits to industrial arts of every kind that this saving confers should be taken into account. It is a false economy to limit the uses of the railways by the imposition of excessive tariffs. I observe that the Government think the railways should be nujde to yield five per cent. '

I think that for many years to come such a standard is 100 high, and calculated to do more harm than good. In my opinion the trunk lilies should be completed without delay. Wellington and Auckland should be joined, Nelson and the West Coast should be united with the Eastern trunk lino, and the Otago central line be completed. Meanwhile settlement should be promoted, and districts like your own well favoured, one—fitted as it is to become the home of thousands of happy settlers—should be opened up. I am of opinion that the time has passed for a separation of the two Islands politically or financially. At some distant future it may be found practicable, but at present I doubt its being either practicable or desirable. The progress of either Island is, and ought to be beneficial to both. lam not surprised, however, that the demand for separation has arisen, for there are grievances plainly apparent which abundantly account for the dissatisfaction existing. But I think some less severe remedy than amputation may be found for these grievances. I am greatly concerned to think that the local government is neither thorough nor efficient. Ministers and Ministerial action, seem to me to supersede local government, and the latter enjoys neither the dignity nor importance which would make it satisfactory and efficient. As at present informed I greatly doubt the advantage to New Zealand of the proposed federation with Australia. New Zei'cad ought undoubtedly to occupy an important position with regard to the Pacific Islands. Had the plan of a chartered company which I proposed been carried out the colony would have had a commanding influence over the South Sea Islands. Lat( r still a brilliant opportunity was lost. No words can do justice to the folly of the quarrel with Sir Arthur Gordon, as High Commissioner. Sir Arthur had the power of bringing the whole control of the Islands to New Zealand, and if, instead of quarrelling with him for performing the duties pertaining to the office, facilities had been given him, there is little doubt that the High Commissionership would have been permanently planted in New Zealand, with a portion of the fleet and other advantages. The trade of the Islands would, in short, have converged to New Zealand. I have said that New Zealand has everything in its favor now, and that I attribute its depression to the want of confidence engendered by insiduous attacks on the value of property. I will briefly refer to the many advantages the colony possesses ; — Its splendid climate is brought into strong relief by the deplorable losses which the droughts have recently occasioned in Australia. If grain and wool are somewhat lower in price than formerly, the facilities afforded by the railways go far towards making up the difference. The direct steamers promise to be of incalculable advantage to the Colony. Lastly there is a new industry developed which opens a whole world of occupation to settlers. I allude to supplying frozen meat to the British markets. Even now it has been found to pay, and as the costs and charges of transmission become less, the profits will become larger. An enormous quantity of land in the Colony is capable of being laid down in fattening grasses, and, in short, a new industry of a most encouraging kind is open. But for the profound want of confidence I am convinced that New Zealand would be as prosperous as it is now depressed. I am persuaded that the remedies I have already suggested will alter the whole condition of the Colony. Briefly these are the removal of the property tax, the completion of important railways, the improvement of the local government system, the promotion of useful immigration and the development of settlement and of local industries. It is not for me now to go into the particulars of how all these things may be done. I am not preparing a budget; but this at least I may say—it has never been found impossible to shape the finances in accordance with a well defined policy for advancing the various interests of the Colony. As I cannot personally address you, I have extended my remarks to more than the usual length. Should you do me the honor of returning me my faithful services will be at your disposal.— I am, &c., Julius Vogel.” (Prolonged applause). The Chairman—Gentlemen, another telegram has just been received and handed to me to read. It is as follows :—

“ I shall certainly deem it my duty to attend to the affairs and wants of the district. I believe in its splendid capabilities. I know that it has been neglected, and will interest myself in pre curing the means for promoting its settlement. If a breakwater is practicable and will improve the harbor, it will have my warm support. I have already wired about Native lands. I cannot without much consideration commit myself more definitely, lam opposed to the Government resuming the pre-emptive right, both because it would not be fair, and because they are not in a position to buy up the lands. And until the lands pass into the hands of individuals there will be no genuine settlement. But I cannot at present commit myself to the statement of the precise amount of assistance, if any, the natives should receive from the Government or legislature to protect their dealings.”

(Much applause, and loud cries for Barker, Locke, Chambers, and Gannon.) Mr. Chambers—(received with applause), I think the outcome of this meeting ought to be something like this, that you will agree to-night as to whether we shall put Sir Julius Vogel in or not. In my opinion we should ask the present candidates to retire. (No. Yes, and general disorder.) Gentlemen, if you think it will be to the benefit of the district to have Sir Julius, then we hope that you will express that feeling, and in no doubtful manner. (Voice: That’s all right. Laughter.) I think, gentlemen, that there can be very little doubt about this question of Sir Julius Vogel’s candidature, it can only tend to benefit the district. If we return him, and he sits only two or three weeks, it will be a good thing in developing this district. We have never before had a man in the house that could benefit us. The circumstances of our present position are peculiar, (Voice : Call off your dog) and we should make the most of the offer of Sir Julius. It rests with you whether—(Speak up)—l am sorry to say I cannot—lt rests with you whether we shall ask the present candidates to go on, or to retire. Two candidates are willing to retire, but the other, Mr. Rees, is still in the field. (Voice: “We will have Rees out.”) I will ask you to give some expression of opinion as to whether the present candidates shall retire or fight it out. (Cries of “ fight it out,” applause and calls for •* Smith.”) The Chairman : —lt appears to me the only course to pursue is to obtain some resolution from this meeting whether Sir Julius is to be nominated for this district or not.

Mr. Bonnett (amidst great applause)— Gentlemen, I say let us have a local candidate. (Loud and continued applause and cheers.) What district has Sir Julius ever represented, that has ever represented him again. (•• Hear, hear,” and applause) He has three principles, the lust is himself, the second his country, the third his constituents. These are the three chances a constitutcncy is likely to expect from him. The only place he ever did good for was Wellington, and he did not even represent that place. He has represented Dunedin, the Thames and Auckland, and neither of these places would have him again. If we have him we should be sorry for it once, and that would be all

our lives (Hear, hear). 1 don’t care which of the candidates you have, only let us have one of ourselves. (Deafening and prolonged applause mingled with a few hisses.) We arc able to get our wants put through by ourselves. Directly Sir Julius Vogel would be returned, he would be looking out for a higher billet. I say return a local man. (Prolonged applause, hisses, cries and groans).

Mr. Ebling, who was received amidst great uproar and laughter, said—Citizens, we are here to express—(Voices : “ Speak out.” “ Shut up.” “Go it old man.”)—Sir Julius Vogel you know.—(Voice: Give us a song. What are you laughing at ?) Loud cries for Smith and Barker. Mr. File—Mr. Chairman and gentlemen. (Hisses and cries of order.) We have all heard Mr. Gannon read Sir Julius Vogel’s address. What do yon think of it ? (Voice : Very good.) What do you think of it. (Voice:

Nothing.) I think it is the most statesmanlike address that lias ever been hoard in this hall. (Slight applause.) Mr. Chambers has asked you to pa ;s a resoluti >n. (V( i <■ : What’s the price of meat.) I undeestood him to say that he wished you topass a resolution that the three candidates should retire in favor of Sir Julius. (No, No.) It was to that effect, the Chairman says so. (Yells and

laughter.) I don’t think that those who arg veiling have any right to yell until they have heard their particular candidate's expression of opinion on the matter. At the meeting this morning Messrs. Locke and Gannon agreed to retire on certain conditions, and those conditions are that Mr. Rees shall also retire. (No, No. Yes, yes.) A telegram was sent to Mr. Rees asking him to agree to that. I presume that no reply has been received. (Uproar). You must all bo aware from Major Atkinson’s speech that our finances at the present time are in a depressed condition. At the meeting at Hawera, Major Atkinson said we were £150,000 short, and at Dunedin he said we were £170,000 short. Now, do we really know how much our finances are short? That has been the question for the last four years. It is evident that our finances want looking into, and I say that there is no man in the Colony able to aland up before Major Atkinson and pull that statement to pieces and show us exactly where we are. (No, no.) No one can contradict that Sir Julius was the greatest financier of the House. For the last few years J have been a Greyite, and I believe in Grey. You lead his speeches down South, and you will find they are nearly all theory, and very good theory, In Mr, Hees’ address to-n : ght in the paper there arc four or five leading things that aie altogether opposed to Grey’s policy. Gentlemen, —I say that if Messrs. Locke and Gannon are willing to sink their ambition they ought at all events to have our utmost support. (Voices—Oh, shut up. Sit down.) As a workman I think it is right to support Sir Julius. (Loud cries and hoots). Mr. Gannon—lf we are going to do business, let us do it. We have heard, up to the present, one gentleman who had the courage to come forward and express a decided opinion. I shall be glad if others would come forward and let us know what the public feeling is. (Voice —“Fight it out.) Exactly; and it will be like the Kilkenny eats. What will you get when you have fought it out ? The point is this : Parliaijtieni meets on the sth of June. Under no possible circumstances, in the event of a contested election, can a member be returned until near the beginning of July. The district is an extensive one. Returns have to come in from the various places in it, and by the time the local man would be returned, the session would be half over and nothing done. (Hear, hear and applause). It is not the question of a local man, but whether we are to have a representative at the opening of Parliament. It is not a question whether he is any good or not, but whether you will have a representative or not. In six months you will see that you will have no Harbor Bill or anything else. You want to have it (the Bill) down at the opening of Parliament, and the person who is to take charge of it will have to be there. If you cannot have a representative at that time, then you will lose your Bill. That is the sole question that actuates me. In Napier I was asked to retire by Mr. R. Stout, I asked why should I make room for Sir Julius Vogel or any one else. (Hear, hear). You have heard his address. The present Government’s fate is pinned to the Properly Tax. He (Vogel) would favor the Land Tax. (No, no). I will refer to the address. (Reads a portion of the address). What does that mean, it means that the tax raised in the locality should be spent in the place.

Mr. Locke—(who was received with immense applause)—Gentlemen, I should have come up sooner and explained my position on on the present occasion, only I thought that it was intended that some resolution should come before the meeting. I was waiting for soms such result. On Saturday last I heard about Sir Julius in Napier. Mr. Stout told me that he was going to stand. I asked him what Sir Julius’ object was. Mr. Stout said his object was to explain his ideas in reference to the public works, and his scheme in 1870. He wished to get into the House and give his views. Mr. Stout asked me to retire. I told him I would consult with my supporters in Gisborne before I would promise to retire. I do not intend to retire unless the other candidadates also do. (Hear hear.) A meeting was held this morning to consider Mr. Vogel’s candidature, and it was decided to call this meeting, and in the meantime the clerk was ordered to communicate with Mr. Rees, whose reply appeared in the paper in the shape of an address. That, I take it, mean that he intends to stand. He said he would stand, no matter who came forward. In my opinion we should have a local man, if you can get one. I don’t think Sir Julius coming here would do us any good. The time is so short, and he will be so engrossed in his own affairs, that he would not attend to us. If Mr. Rees does not withdraw. I shall not. (Hear hear, and much applause.) Mr. Gannon—To come to the point, and test the feeling of the meeting, 1 propose, “ That this meeting is of opinion that Sir Julius Vogel should be asked to represent thia district in Parliament for the ensuing session only, and that all intending local candidates be asked to consent to withdraw in favor of Sir Julius Vogel, so as to avoid a contested election, which would practically leave the district unrepresented.” I will say this, unless that resolution is carried, you will not have your Harbor Bill and local bills passed this session, because you cannot have your man down to act for you. I say this, that if these men determine to contest the seat, then they are not representing the interests of the district, but are only standing to gratify their own ambition. (Applause and cheers.) Mr. Townley—l agree with Mr. Bennett that we should have a local man, but there are times and circumstances occurring in districts which call for other considerations. (Hear, hear). I believe such a crisis has arisen in this district. Mr. Gannon deserves the thanks of this meeting in bringing the question before you as he has done, (dear, Hear.) This is a question whether we are to be represented at the beginning of the session or not. We owe this present position to our late member. I say Sir Julius Vogel has done more for New Zealand than any other statesman. They would not be travelling in the South Island, hundreds of miles by railway as they now do, but for his policy. (Applause.) I say all the candidates should retire. If the third candidate refuses he will bo treating us in the same way us our late member did. 1 hope the resolution will be carried, and he will see that we are determined not to be done out of having a rei>rosentative in the present session. The Chairman—We now have some basis to go on. I will now read Mr. Gannon’s proposition. (Reads proposition.) I will ask any gentleman who may have an amendment to come forward with it.

Mr. Townley seconded the proposition. Mr. Smith—l will support that resolution. Mr. Bennet advised you to-night to vote for a local man. (Applause.) In ordinary circumstances that is all very well, but we are met here to-night under extraordinary circumstances. (Hear, hear.) Sir Julius Vogel’s offer is one that will never occur agaiu. (Voice—Don’t want it.) You should embrace the opportunity. If you return Sir Julius you will be represented by a man who is certainly higher than any other politician in this colony. [lie here went into the question of a railway and harbor, and favored the candidature of Sir Julius Vogel.]

Sir George Whitmore—Gentlemen, I am not going to take a very strong part, for or against the candidature of Sir Julius Vogel, but 1 do not think the case has been quite fairly put to you. If lie represents you in Parliament, he will doubtless do what he can for you, and you may be sure that if he goes in, lie goes in to give you good service, and a distinct service of his own, sometimes called

“ an axe to grind.” That may be purely a sentimental act, and most likely he wishes to vindicate some portion of his previous political conduct. But don’t suppose for one single moment that because his unopposed return will enable you to have a representative, that you will be one bit nearer getting your Bill passed, if the session is of less than a month’s duration. Harbor Bills and Bills of that sort, are not passed in a day. They are all put on one side by the members who represent the stronger constituencies, and the weaker will go to the wall. (Voice: We know it at our cost.) Although Sir Julius Vogel from his history in this country before, may be listened to more as your representative in this matter, I. undertake to say it is against fie jninciples of the House to get it passed in so sho t a time. In a g moral way I should s.iy it was a mo-t improper proceeding to take \ < gel b fore the local candidates, berauso 1 think there is such a thing as loyalty, and when you have promised your votes you should not withdraw them. Mr. Grinin —1 propose an amendment to the proposition. The Grey Government are

<hound to come into power, and thia (the pro position) is brought to put us off the scent. (Much disorder). I say that Mr. Locke fought hard for his party election. Put him in now. But what do you say, He is here, and his supporters now want to throw him over. (The speaker then made seme Very personal remarks about Mr, Smith s conduct at the last election.) Mr. Gannon —Sir George Whitmore’s argument bears me out. He says if Parliament only sits a month we cannot get the Bill through. The Chairman—ls there any seconder to the amendment ? Mr. Ross (tremendous uproar, groans, and hisses) — Mr. Gannon has been knocked down— Mr. Gannon—No, I have not. I have been standing here all the time. Mr. Ross, amidst great disturbance seconded the amendment. Mr. Griffin—As you wish I will alter the amendment, and name one candidate to be elected, and that is Mr. Rees. (Hoots and hisses.) The Chairman now put the amendment by the show of hands, when about ten hands were up for it, and nearly all the rest against it. The amendment was therefore declared as lost. Mr, Bennett, amidst cheers, groans, and hisses, I propose as another amendment “ That a local man be allowed to stand,” Mr. File—l would ask Mr. Bennett which local man. Mr. Bennett—l don’t care which of them—not one iota. (Cheers.). Mr. Ratcliffe seconded the amendment, which was lost, nearly all being against it. The Chairman now put the original proposition, which was carried almost unanimously, the result being received with prolonged and deafening cheers. Mr. Kenny now came forward with a requisition to Sir Julius Vogel, which was numerously signed. The meeting then dispersed.