PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY & SATURDAY. STURDAY, JULY 23, 1881.

Poverty Bay Standard, Volume IX, Issue 963, 23 July 1881, Page 2

PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY & SATURDAY. STURDAY, JULY 23, 1881.

We are not surprised that the Government have accepted Mr. Ormond’s motion—alleging that the House is not satisfied with the proposals of the Ministry in regard to the future local government of the Colony—as tantamount to a vote of want of confidence. Jt was evident from the beginning of the session, that the political atmosphere was not charged with a sufficiency of healthy ozone, to guarantee the Ministry against an attack of that fatal disease which seems to be normal in the history of our Parliaments—namely, change. No sooner has a Government got used to the saddle, and is showing ample proof of its ability to manage the steed than the reins are sought to be wrested from its hands, and to be handed over to other riders, lor ourselves, we think it is a matter of very small difference as to who is on, or who is off the Government benches. As a rule each party subordinates all that is high, lofty, and north aspiring to in legislating for the people, to satisfying their own rapaeiousness, and generally to promote the interests of their friends at the expense of any one’s blood but their °'' n ’ the Hall Ministry took o hue. we did not expect so much good at their hands, as we, in common with t ie rest of the Colony, have experienced. During two years of unexampled difficulty they have fought

their way nobly, nay, heroically, through many an up-hill struggle. They may not have done all things exactly as many may have thought wise, or politic. Their administration may not have met with general approval ; but what Government s does ? But their worst enemies must confess that, if they have not redeemed the credit of the Colony, they have sustainedit against one of two evils —more borrowing, or hopeless bankruptcy. However, our object is not so much to offer panegyrics on behalf of the Government, as to draw attention to the cards the Opposition are playing against them. There is one thing pretty certain, if we are faring badly at the hands of the Hall Ministry, we shall be infinitely worse off under any Government such a political charlatan as Mr. Ormond might draggle after him. There is no wonder that the amendment he had the audacity to move, fell like a bombshell on the floor of the House. Our telegrams say that “ Mr. Saunders, and a few of the corner men ” —a most expressive phrase —would support Mr. Ormond. Doubtless. There are still some members left who have not yet tasted of the luxuries of Ministerial office. There are yet remaining some of the “ political darkies,” xvho are longing for the time in which their bones and banjo may be heard ; and who would be glad to play in any wild buffoonery that the “ Massa Johnson ” of a man like Mr. Ormond might present for their delectation. But we fervently trust that time has not yet arrived. It is evidently Mr. Ormond’s desire to create a new diversion; but, so far as our advices inform us, we cannot gather the direction his hostility will take. It is so easy a matter to say, tersely, as Mr. Ormond did, “thatthe “ proposals of the Government in re- “ spect to local government and local

“ finance are unsatisfactory. Jout what does Mr. Ormond propose in their place ? It has always appeared to us, and, we dare say to many of our readers, that so longas a Parliamentary tactician can get a following strong enough to unseat a Ministry, the question as to his fitness to propound a policy more acceptable to the House, and the Colony, is not one of the first I things considered, but the last. At any rate, if his fitness be acknowledged, his policy, per se, is a problem, the fundamental principle of which has yet to be discovered by experience. Before Mr. Ormond is even heard on a question involving the importance of a change of Ministry, he should be made to state what he proposes more to the advantage of the Colony. It is easy enough to declaim. But before a man puts himself in the position of a political iconoclast, he should be made to show, not in mere skeleton form, but in substance, what he proposes to place in substitution thereof. And what can be expected of Mr. Ormond ? At the best he is only a third rate man, whose vanity, and cold-blooded ambition give him all the hankering desires of a modern Robespierre, minus a millioneth part of the ability to follow so noble an example.

Mr. Ormond is determined to reign in Hell, if he cannot serve in Heaven ; and we doubt not I it would be far more congenial to his tastes — certainly, it would be a more deserving fate —if it were so ; therefore, the adumbration of Mr. Mephistopheles Saunders, that those little hells upon earth—yclept “ Provincial Governments ” —are about to be revived, causes no wonder, while it provokes alarm. To return to the old days of Provincial Governments, when men like Mr. Ormond ruled their little sovereignties, almost in defiance of the General Government, would be a disaster not to be contemplated without a shudder. We want local government in its true and simple form. The people want to govern themselves, but they do not want imperia in imperio ; and, although Mr. Saunders says that the proposed five provinces are not to have legislative powers, we know Mr. Ormond’s vaulting ambition, and rooted dishonesty of purpose so well, that he would not be contented with the empty form of Provincialism, without its reality. Mr. Ormond is, evidently trying to make up a kind of Middle Party. He will not work with Mr. Hall, and Sir George Grey will not work with him. He feels himself a kind of outcast —a nomad, whom nobody likes, few trust, and all despise. He sees his day is waning, and, unless he makes a desperate attempt, the longing desire of his life will not be accomplished, but to bring about which, even for one short hour’s enjoyment of it, he is prepared to sacrifice everv interest but his own.

We fervently pray for Mr. Ormond’s political death from a severe attack of Ministerial small-pox, or some other righteous judgment, for, as with Robespierre, it would mark “ the crisis in the red fever of Revo- “ lution.” After that individual’s death France began to mend. Accused of “ seeking to establish his own “ power by the death of his colleagues “ this sleek and smiling villain was “ condemned to die.” He escaped for a time, but, after trying to kill himself, the “ unpitied wretch was dragged “ to the place of execution, and slain “ amid the jibes and yells of the “ crowd.” So will it be with this modern political cut-throat, ere long ; and for which consummation let us devoutly hope.