CONFEDERATION OF THE COLONIES.

Patea Mail, 31 August 1880, Page 2

CONFEDERATION OF THE COLONIES.

The Duke of Manchester, who is about to visit New Zealand, advocates a system of colonial confederation which is new so far as we know, and is remarkably simple. The Duke points out in the Victorian Review, that Canada has just taken an important and decisive step. She has appointed a Cabinet Minister to reside in London : he will bo in constant communication wilh the Ministers of Great Britain, especially in reference to the negotiation of treaties of commerce. If all the colonies were similarly represented in London, it would only require that their ministers should be empowered to vote supplies for the Army and Navy, and Imperial federation would be accomplished. The Minister in London (Home and Colonial) would decide “ where England’s defence of the colonies ends, and where colonial defence commences.” The Army and Navy would then be Imperial, being paid for by the whole Empire, and could be used wherever required in and for the Empire. When the colonics contribute to the expense of the Army and Navy, they will have a voice in deciding when and how they are to be employed. Such is the Duke’s theory ; but we w'ould point out that this would cany with it the right for contributing colonics to discuss and regulate the foreign policy of the Umpire. The prerogative of declaring war and making peace would rest with the Crown, as heretofore ; but the Ministers responsible for advising the Sovereign to do either of these things would have to be a new body chosen by the whole federation on some principle of representation. The Parliament in London would cease to be the controlling body. If the colonies paid towards the army and navy, that would be taxation ; and as there can be no taxation without representation in the British system (vide the American war of independence), the taxed colonics would share with Great Britain the right to determine questions of foreign policy. If each colony sent a representative Minister

to London, the collective Ministers would

become the controlling power in .matters of foreign relations. The British Parliament would thus lose an important part of its present functions —the very part which tiie thirty millions in the United Kingdom would not part with. It is clear that the colonial delegate Ministers must cither have equal control over foreign affairs or no control at all. If they claim equal control as a condition of contributing towards the fighting forces of the Empire, the Home Parliament could not abdicate its present right of control, and there could be no agreement on that basis. If, on the other hand, the Colonics contribute without claiming control, they must do it on the basis of paying- for protection by the machinery which the Imperial Government has to maintain at present. Wc colonials arc in this position. We are weak as individual Colonics, and must shield our weakness under the asgis of the Imperial Power ; but wc arc getting ashamed of claiming this protection when our infancy is past, and arc rather disposed to recognise that it is a duty to pay something for this Imperial protection. The question in this colony is, not the will to pay, but the means—where are they ?