The Patea Mail. (Published Wednesdays and Saturdays.) SATURDAY, JUNE 14, 1879.

Patea Mail, Volume V, Issue 435, 14 June 1879, Page 2

The Patea Mail. (Published Wednesdays and Saturdays.) SATURDAY, JUNE 14, 1879.

In the April number of the Nineteenth Century , to hand by the mail, there is an article written by the Right Hon. Earl Grey, entitled “ Past and Future Policy in South Africa.” Earl Grey, as everybody knows, is one of the most experienced of British statesmen, having been a Minister of the Crown more than thirty years ago, and a member of the House of Commons more than fifty years ago. The article to which we refer is curiously illustrative of the ignorance of colonial matters existing in high places at home. We are not going to review the article, as it relates to South Africa, but to quote and remark on a few passages that relate to New Zealand and her past troubles. Lord Grey oaya that fifty years ago the Imperial policy was in the direction “ of reckless expenditure by the mother country in the colonies, coupled with vexstious interference in their internal affairs.” But for the past twenty-five years the error has been in the opposite direction. The connexion between England and the colonies is now a “merely nominal one,” and the Governors are “ practically powerless.” This His Lordship laments us a “ great mistake.” The integrity of the Empire can only be of importance as long as “ the Imperial Government is enabled to exercise such a measure of authority as is necessary in order to insure due regard in the measures of the several colonial governments, to the general interests of the whole Empire. This it does not receive at present; and and it would be easy to show what unfortunate consequences, to all concerned, have followed from the weakness with which the Ministers of the Crown and Parliament have allowed to slip out of their hands the power of preventing tne different colonies from adopting measures injurious to themselves, to each other, and to the Empire as a whole.” One would think that the writer of these lines had never heard of the American revolution, and that he is under the delusion that the colonies, in their present advanced condition, would allow themselves to be governed by a body in which they were not represented. What if the Imperial Government abolished the Canadian tariff, or protection in Victoria, or forbade borrowing money in New Zealand ! If these, or any other practical interferences with the solf-Govern-mentofthe colonies took place, Lord Grey lx v o tw 000 EmLrolron up. The argument is pursued with special reference to colonies in which there is a numerous native population, as in South Africa. Hero “responsible government, or party government, means class Government. The few whites monopolise all power, to the exclusian of the native race. Injustice is inevitable; discontent and strife are equally so. “In the old Irish Parliament, and its laws against Papists, we have an example of what is the natural result of such institutions. When the dominant class is still further divided from the inferior one by a difference of race and colour, the abuse of power is likely to be still greater.” The cure for this evil is to return to the Imperial apron string, to have the officers of the Crown “ exercising an important authority,” and “supported by a regular military force.” This would secure justice to both races, restraining the whites from tyranny, and the natives from outrage. His Lordship here takes New Zealand as an example, and we will let him speak for himself:—

“ Soon after New Zealand was colonised, quarrels arose between the settlers and the natives, which at length broke out into open war. At first this war was very disastrous to the British; but the late Earl Derby, who was then. Secretary of State for the Colonies, G. Grey to assume the New Zealand, and by his wise and energetic measures, the natives were first defeated, and then conciliated, peace was restored, and a firm and just system of Government was established, which gave to the colony thirteen years of peace, and eight or nine of undisturbed tranquility and prosperity. “ During these years—from 1847 to 1856—New Zealand Continued to advance in welth, and the natives made such progress in civilisation that there was a fair. prospect that they would by degrees become, amalgamated with the colonists, and form a united population. But, in 1852, the fact was recognised that the time was come when representative institutions must be extended • to New Zealand ; and unfortunately'that was done in a manner which led to great calamities. The constitution Parliament thouhb fit to confer upon New Zealand,

seemed to me at the time so obviously unfitted to its circumstances, that I was unable to understand bow any man could , expect it to work well. Not to mention other faults, it introduced a principle altogether new in the history of English colonies, by entrusting the executive authority in several provinces into which the colony was devided to elect Superintendents. The Governor, who could only act through these Superintendents, and could not remove them if they disobeyed his orders, was thus virtually deprived of any real authority. Nor was this all; it was soon determined that ‘ Responsible Government ’ should be established, so that whatever authority was left to the General Government, fell into the hands of the Colonial Ministers. For a time a reservation was made that the Governor, in matters relating to Maories, should be free to exercise his own judgment, and not to be required to acccept the advice of his council. But this scheme soon broke down, as it was sure to do from its manifest absurdity. The Act of Parliament, giving its constitution to New Zealand, was passed in ,1853 , but it was near two years betore the new system of Government was brought into operation, and a little longer before its fruits became apparent, though symptoms of coming misfortunes wore soon perceptible. In 1854 the Governor, in his speech to the Assembly, congratulated it upon the good feeling existing between the races. In its address in reply, the Assembly expressed its concurrence with the Governor, and its satisfaction at the existing state of things. In the early part of 1855, the reports from the colony still continued favourable; but a change in the temper of the Maories began to bo perceptible, and in September in that year the Governor reported to the Secretary of State that, while the natives were well affected towards the Government, they were not equally well affected towards the Assembly or towards the Provincial Councils, because they were suspicions as to their intentions with regard to the land. A similar opinion was again expressed in 1856, and the Governor said it was clear that the natives were hostile to a system of popular government in which they had no share.

“ They had buttoo much rcasonfor this feeling ; and, if tune and space permitted, it would be easy to show how much injustice to the natives was done by a Government so constituted, and subject to no effective control by the Crown. Without, however, going into details, it is sufficient to say that this injustice produced deep discontent in the minds of the natives; but still they were not the first to have recourse to arms. After long disputes, especially on the subject of land, war was begun by the British Artillery firing upon a pah which the natives wore peaceably occupying, on land of which they claimed ( as it ultimately turned out on good grounds) to be the legitimate owners, and to which they asserted their right only by refusing to remove from it. The war, thus begun, continued, with some temporary interruptions, for about nine years; it was carried on as savagely as such wars always are, caused terrible sufferings to both parties, and led in the end almost to the destruction of the Maories , a small remnant only being left of what thirty years ago was such an interesting race. The .war had hardly begun before it was found how practically impossible it is, when real danger arises, to act upon the rule that it is the business of colonists to protect themselves. When British subjects with their wives and families have been barbarously murdered, and their fellow-colonists are in extreme danger from half-reclaimed savages, no matter what provocation these may have received, no Minister in this country can refuse to send Her Majesty’s forces to the assistance of those whose lives and properties are in peril. Accordingly, when the war began in New Zealand, additional troops and a naval force were sent there, and at one time not less than 10,000 British soldiers were employed in the colony. It is true that, owing to the division of authority and mismanagement, this large force failed to acomplish all that was expected from it; and, if my memory does not deceive me, the whole, or the greater part, of it was withdrawn before the war was brought to a final close, which was accomplished at last by the colonists with little or no assistance. On this ground the advocates of the policy of leaving the colonists to themselves, are accustomed to cite what occurred in New Zealand, as a proof of its being right—forgetting that but for the adoption of this policy there would have been no war at all, and also that, though they were strong enough to finish the war after the number of their enemies and their resources had been reduced in the struggle to a small fraction of what they had been, there is little reason to believe that in 1861, the comparatively small number of settlers then in the colony could have held their own ground against the Maories, whose strength was still unbroken.” We have not space to criticise this wonderful passage in detail. Its absurdity will be apparent to many of onr readers. The idea that wisdom, energy, firmness and justice are qualities of which the Imperial Government has a monopoly, and that they were conspicuously displayed in its representative Sir G. Grey is Very rich. So also is the theory that the wars which have taken place since “ responsible-Government” was granted arose from the hostility of the Maoris to a “ system of popular Government in which they had no share.” If Sir George could only have extended the franchise to them, true brotherhood would have been established ! We mention just one more point, which we have italicised, namely that pathetic reference to the ‘ smalt remnant' of what was once an interestingfijace. The “ 10,000 British soldiers” had failed, through “mis-

management,‘M |6 accomplish all that was expected of hem.” Alas, yes ! they had left tliis small ■ remnant,” and given it a chance of becoming “ interesting” once morel We presume that the ‘jnst’and ‘wise’ Government ‘ expected’ that no remnant would be left. If this is what Lord Grey means, we forgive him.