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Patea Mail, Volume IV, Issue 342, 27 July 1878, Page 2

The debate reported in our last issue covered ground of great interest. All who rejoice in the present greatness of the British Empire, are interested in its future destiny. Some of them are alarmists, insisting that the mother

country is falling, or has fallen, back to a second place. Others, proud of present foreign influence and past triumphs and growth, refuse to see that a limit is

set by’ nature to that growth, the rapidity’ of which in the past only serves to limit the possibilities of the future, and insist that the to-morrow ol the nation shall provide lor the things of itself. Between these extremes there is a party who are in possession of all the truth divided between the other two. They admit the present greatness of Britain, and maintain at the same time that she and probably others, her compeers, will not he able to stand alone in the front rank of nations—as nations will be a century hence. And surely there is nothing absurd in looking a century’ ahead ; for what is a century in the life of a nation? Patriots, therefore, who belong to tin’s middle party, begin to cast about for means of keeping the Britain that their children’s children shall know in the foremost place. If they had at their command the geni of the wonderful lamp, they would probably conjure up from the Atlantic and German Oceans a few hundred thousands of square miles of fertile territory adjoining the British Islands, and, planting the Union Jack upon it, proclaim Britain’s pre-eminence established for ever. But, failing the lamp and the g'oni, is the case hopeless? We trow not. The Union Jack is already floating in America over territory almost equal in extent to the whole of Europe, and in the South Sens over nearly as much more, and in Africa over country as extensive' as the German Empire., Is it not possible that these territories may serve our aim as well as tin' lamp and Hie geni could have done? Many are of the opinion that they’ can and will, and hence it is wo hoar talk of “ Colonial Federation,” and “ the Federation of the Empire ” Leaving the explanation and illustration of those terms for a future occasion, wo will devote our remainin? space to a few general remarks on the subject. In the first place, then, Confederation must not be looked at from local and selfish stand-points. It is not merely, a question for Britain or a question for a colony or for all the colonies, but for the British people. The colonies would object to a scheme that aimed only at the aggrandisement of England, and" England would rightfully object to a scheme for giving the colonies political weight at her expense. The only’ foundation on which n lasting and beneficial union of the British people will stand, must be the general feeling that—whether in the North or in the South, in tlie Eust or in the \WsC I!iev are one ; that Britain’s glory and power are ours; that our growth and firenre are hors. While the colonists fear union with England because she is more likely to be involved in war than they; while they talk of India as her possession, and not owes; while the English fear union with the colonics lest they should one day ont-number her in the supremo council of the Empire ; while they count lh°mselves the British Nation, and not a part of it —no union worth the name can take place. Let both the colonies and England accept the evil (if any) with the good, and no one can doubt that iu the long run the - good will exist alone. If, on the one hand, the colonies should be involved in a war with Britain’s enemies, on the other they would be secured against foreign conquest, and saved from such intestine strife as devastated the United States a few years ago. If Britain should, for years to come, have to bear great responsibilities in the ivay of protecting the weaker parts ol the Empire, that would be outweighed by the fact that every year brought the time nearer when both she and the colonies would be safe from war, because none dared to assail a power so wide-spread and mighty. It should bo noted, further, that the Fede-' ration question is not one to be viewed exclusively in the light of the present. There may appear to he something ridiculous in a union between a powerful Stare like Great Britain and such a State as N<-w Zealand, or such an unpeopled waste as Australia y 7 et is. Lot it be remembered, however, that a century hence New Zealand, for instance, will be as populous, and far more wealthy, than Britain was in the. middle of last century, The union will then provoke uo smile, except one of satisfaction on the part of its friends. This leads ns to a last remark, namely, that the question of Federation is an urgent one—urgent, as Sir Jnlins Vogel has well said,, in the sense that forest planting is urgent in England. The next generation may net

want the trees, but it is too late to plant them when they are recpiired. So Federation may be of no importance to the present generation, nevertheless now is the time to bring it about; for the colonies are, as Sir J. Yogel lias argued, being yearly more and more completely launched on a career of independence from which it will soon be impossible to recall them.