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JAPAN AND THE PEACE TREATY.

■ | THE DIPLOMACY AT PARIS. SOMTE UNRECORDED HISTORY. Japan has climbed to a now place in power and prestige (writes tho Paris representative of tho Sidney Sun in a despatch dated May 8). How sho has done it demands tho closo study of moderate-miaided, reasonable Australia. Tlio main facts can 1» put clearly into print in tho light of events and disclosures during tho last few days at tho Conference. Of her part in the war it is not yet possible to tell in detail. But it is now necessary to contradict with emphasis the idea that sho pulled her weight. Any further use of that kind of camouflage is mischievous. At the same time I do not givo full credence to some of the alarmist viows held in certain high and responsible quarters, that Japan was several times -within an ace of leaving tho Allies. "Within 24 hours of quitting," is ono version. I have good reason to believe that the pro-German party in Japan was very close indeed to full power, and I have met well-informed European residents of Toluo, lovers of the Japanese, who told their wives to get ready for immediate flight But that can carry no charge of national treachery. What Japan did was to use the AngloJapanese ailiacfio, which has been before and during tho war the ladder up which she has rJ imbed, to increase her territorial and fihal strength and prestige. That is leigitimato advancement. It entailed a little lighting, the casualties in which were minute, according to figures put before the Cotfiferenco by the Chinese delegation. On the credit side it brought an enhanced influence over Asiatio minds, so susceptible to prestige; an agreement with Britain marking the equator as the line of Japan's southern descent, x.ew territories, enormous new wealth,' and a place amongst the three or four greatest Powers in the world. LOOKING TO SELF-INTEREST. • Several of her greatest gains were the result of diplomacy and veiled threats. Jaipan maintained throughout the war her traditional opportunism. Her Government used tho traditional excuse when pressing its demands. " Puhlio opinion compels us," or "In view of the strong and excited foeling in Japan"—these were her reasons for going back on her aigreement to withdraw from the Caroline and Marshall Islands, for securing the equator "sphere of influence" for demanding pledges' from all the Allies that Kiou-chau would be hers. Somo may think it right to use a commanding position, and one's friends' distress to secure great national gains; others may call it blackmail. But whatever tho method may bo termed, one must recognise that it is a fairly oommon method amoDgst nations. That Japan used it to the fullest possible extent is undoubted fact. Sho looked always to iher own self-interest. It is in keeping with this progressive and aggressive young Power that her delegates here, and all their companions, make it a favourite boast that Japanese warships convoyed Australian soldiers. I have heard experienced Europeans reply: "Yes, through Reaceful waters." I have heard others admit that it was a relief to tho Allies to know that the warships convoying the first Australian and New Zealand bodies of troops hod been strengthened by a'.Japanese cruiser when the Ernden waa near. I There were moments of crisis in Allied

waters which Japan used skilfully. Ho-sy far she would hove gone against us had she been refused her demands is questionable. She at no time showed complete adherence to the Allied cause. When Yuan-Shi-Kai offered to bring China into the war on our side in its earliest months Japan earnestly protested that_ she would view with alarm and apprehension and unfriendliness any disposition on tiie part of the Allied Governments to permit the 400,000,000 Chinese to be awakened by war. Japan does not wish the moral stimulation of China. Her efforts are directed towards keeping China divided, fomenting trouble, whilst using civil war to gain. a stranglehold over Chinese finance. •I do not wish to write in an antiJapanese tone. One of the severest lessons of the Paris Conference to Australia is that a friendly understanding of Japan must be sought. But it cannot be based upon lies and illusions. SECRET CORRESPONDENCE. Some day Australian' public opinion will compel British statesmen to explain why they gave the Caroline and Marshall Islands to Japan, and shaped their diplomacy in such a way that Australia tmerges from the war not only financially, tout also strategically worse off than when ehe entered it. _ The new map is eloquent. Australian politicians can give no other explanation than that in 1915, and again in 1917, Downing street pressed hard upon them an unquestioning %sceptance of Japan's claims. It is true that 1 the Commonwealth Gove ernment has recently written to the British Prime Minister that "Australia cannot regard herself as responsible for the position which Japan now holds in the north of the Pacific. The then Colonial Secretary informed the commonwealth that it was vitally important not to offend Japan; that Japan .was in possession of the islands claimed, and tha.t nothing we could say would affect their occupation. That was the position, and Australia simply accepted the inevitable." Mr Bonar Law," the "then Colonial Secretary" referred to in this letter, confirms this attitude. But it "neither explains away the Australian acceptance of Japan's southern descent' nor gives the full story of the Japanese pressure upon Britain. Some secret correspondence is now available which deals with the position in 1917. Japan took her chance at the moment of Germany's declaration of ruthless submarine warfare, and in the worst hour of Russia's backsliding. One question was the despatch of a few Japanese tor-pedo-boats to the Mediterranean. Japan had already withdrawn all her shipping from the Atlantic routes, and kept it in secure and lucrative employment in the Pacific. I do not say that she would not have spared some food ships if Britain had reached the point of actual starvation. But this withdrawal cost the Allies great anxiety and expynse, and the Japanese decision was maintained until the end of the*war. On February 16, 1917, she secured the following note from the British Governmentßritish Embassy, Tokio.—His Majesty's Government accede with pleasure to the requests of the Japanese Government for, assurances that it will support Japan's claims in regard to tho disposal of Germany' s Tights in Shantung and possessions in islands north of the equator on the occasion of the Peace Conference, it bein" 1 iin(lcrst'Ood that the Japanese Government will, in the event of a peace settlement, treat m the same spirit Great Britain's claims to German islands south of the equator. — Signed, Conynham Greene, British Ambassador." From France, Japan received a similar assurance, but M. Bnand, who was then Prime Minister and his own Foreign Ministor, made conditions. The letter is dated March" 1, 1917: " The French Government is disposed to give support to the Japanese Government for regulating during the peace • negotiations the essential questions for Japan of Shantung and the German islands situated north of the equator. France supports tho Japanese application for cession of all rights Germany possessed in these places, but asks that Japan agrees to give support to obtain a rupture of Chinese relations w-ith Germany, as follows Firstly by handing passports to all German diplomatic agents and consuls; second, by obliging German judgps to quit Chinese territory; third, by interning all German shipping, requisitioning ships, and placing them at tho Allies' disposition; fourth, by seizing all German business houses in China: fifth by abrogating all Gorman rights and concessions existing in certain parts of China." "IN VIEW OF EVENTS."

Russia gave its promise on February 20, but the Italian Government was less concerned. At last, on March 28, the Japanese Ambassador at Rome handed in tho following note" The Imperial Japanese Government intends to demand from the Crerman Government during negotiations of peace cession of territorial righta and special interests that Germany possessed potore tho war in Shantung, and in the Pacific Islands situated north ot the equator. In view of the ° f e . ve ? ts ' the Japanese Government believes it is wull to assure itself of the entire support of tho British, French, and Russian. Governments. In making tho Italian Government aocruainted with these very confidential Japanese demands, and disclosing that arrangement, has recently been made between tho Imperial Japanese Government and the British. French, and Russian Governments, tho Japanese Government has the firm conviction that the Italian Government will be inspired bv sentiments of friendship which animate the two countries, .and in consideration of tlve necessity of mutual agreement for triumph- ' inpr in the common cause." , The note is strongly worded. "Demands" f amongst friends. ' As to tho present phase of events." it niay to swra; extent be explained by tho movement v.*<ich the United States, was then makinp towards intervention. But America's active ass-stance in the war was neyer a certainty, indeed, remained jn serious doubt imM Tyawflk jute#

nionfc on April 6. In any case it was not nattering to tho Allies that Japan should use tier position to gain Allied support for demands in foar that a now ally would not acoedo to them. Perhaps tlio Japanese were thinking of that solemn pledge of their Prime Minister, Count Okunva, on tIMHr entry into tho war: "I state to tho paoplo of America ami tho world that Japan nas no ulterior motive, no desire to securo more territory, no thought of depriving China, or any other people of anything which thoy now possess. My Government and my pepoto have given their word and pledge, which will bo kept as honourably 3? ,S alwa - vs keeps promises," (Augusc iyi4.) Luck wont Japan's way recently. She took her chance. Tho decision regarding Shantung had been kept bade until the last moment. .President Wilson wished that tho peace treaty should not specifically mention the ex-German possessions in tho province, but merely m a general covering olauso provide that all tho ox-German ovcrseas tarriionee should bo ceded to the principal Allied and Associated Governments. Japan fought against this. Sao demanded a clear sentence specifically i declaring that tie ex-German rights, titles, and privileges in the Shantung Peninsula Passed unconditionally to Japan. Sho did • n ° l ; the Loas-iie of Nations, in any system of distribution of tho occupied territories. But sho claimed that her prestige would bo seriously crippled if it wero not plain to every intelligence that Japan had swept Germany from tho Pacifio and taken the spoil. Do you call the Oriental's idea of right and might nrimitive ? Well, a bird m the hand is worth two in tho bush. . J a pon put up a great offensive on another front. Her delegates fonght hard for 0. declaration of racial equality in the League of Nations coven-ant. Sho pressed it so firmly and with such strong support from a majority of nations represented on tho I.eatrue OomnusLscm, that she worked herself into tho position of a seriously aggrieved Power. The next step waa departure in high dudgeon from tho conference from her present friends. EXPLOITATION OF RICH PROVINCE. President Wilson felt that the Japanese , claim for Shantung waa opposed to the basis of tho peace, and flagrantly offended . against the 14 'points. Tho Chinese dele- ; gates here deny many remonstrances that this was so, and urged that tho Japanese claims not only meant tho surrender for Japanese exploitation of a rich province, i containing 56,000,000 Chinese, but that they completed Japan's firm economio and stra- [ tegic hold upon Peking and desecrated one , of China's holy places—the birthplace of l Confucius, the home of Mencius, " a province hallowed as tho cradle of Chinese civilisation." , Mr Wilson had a few days before I driven the Italian delegates from the con- . forence by a conspicuous mistake—a mistake , founded, as his associates agree, upon the , utterly wrong, and conceited belief that by , raising his linger he would get the Italian people to overthrow Orlando and surrender Fiume. The conference was not in a mood i to have a second withdrawal. Japan said t she would go, and. diplomats helievod it , would suit her to do so. Who would undertake the task of throwing her from Shan- [ tung? Who would champion China, even L lately in Paris, to the point of breaking ; with Japan—hapless China, containing onefourth of the human race, but possessing . no fleet, no guns, no martial spirit? i Sq Japan got her way. And Mr Wilson's . democratic friends aro very angry, and are writing that "the 14- points are flagrantly [ and decisively defeated." and that Japan - has won such richness and strength that she > " takes her place now as a greater Power than even France, Italy, and Germany."

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ODT19190802.2.114

Bibliographic details

Otago Daily Times, Issue 17693, 2 August 1919, Page 13

Word Count
2,120

JAPAN AND THE PEACE TREATY. Otago Daily Times, Issue 17693, 2 August 1919, Page 13

JAPAN AND THE PEACE TREATY. Otago Daily Times, Issue 17693, 2 August 1919, Page 13

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