The Oamaru Mail. MONDAY, JULY 26, 1880.

Oamaru Mail, Volume IV, Issue 1319, 26 July 1880, Page 2

The Oamaru Mail. MONDAY, JULY 26, 1880.

The late debate on the Maori Prisoners Bill is eminently suggestive. The issue, unfortunately, wis never for a moment doubtful, and there is force in a statement we ourselves heard that had the Bill been one to incarcerate Her Majesty's Opposition the truceulent majority at present so obsequious to Ministers "would have supported it with equal pleasure. We sincerely commiserate such a majority. There is a power, however, outside of Parliament —the power of public opinion—and we very much mistake the signs of the times if Ministers are not rushing headlong towards their doom. This arbitrary measure will not help them much. It is the essence of tyranny—the resort of weak governments. One lion, member endeavored to elevate the question at issue—the necessity for such an unprecedented departure from the ordinary course of justice—by describing the unfortunate Maoris as prisoners ot war. But on what grounds 1 Is their ploughing np some disputed, or even undisputed, territoiy and quietly yielding themselves to the police a casus belli? How monstrous, surely. We are well aware that the West Coast has long been the centre of disaffection —a veritable Cave of Adullum. It would be in vain to disguise or dispute this fact. But what of that? Does that constitute a cause for war 1 and are these Maori prisoners, whilst innocent of a single overt act, to be adjudged belligerents 1 The law justly and wisely measures its penalties in proportion to the nature of the offence committed. These men ri"htlv or wrongly committed an offence against the law. WTiat was that offence? A trespass merely; and some of their number have been tried and convicted for the offence. Such was the head and front of their offending, and to treat such men as prisoners of war is simply an outrage on justice and liberty. The «reater number have not been vouchsafed a trial at all. They have languished all these months in prison, away from their homes, from their wives and families, positively without a trial. We have no hesitation in denouncing such tretment as not only arbitrary, but positively illegal—as being contrary alike to the fundamental principles of the realm, and to that higher righteousness which exalteth a a nation. But this despotic Bill, what does it propose 1 Jt proposes with reference to the prisoners who have been tided, and who in a short time will have expiated their crime by punishment, that they shall remain in prison during the pleasure of the Government." Is not this a crime against the rights of man, no matter of what race or blood? Do we not boast that the instant a slave sets his feet on British soil he shall be free. But what is this we are doing to these men 7 Treat them as prisoners of war who have never fired a shot, treat others as worse than slaves—as criminals—after they have expiated their crime. With reference to the larger portion who have not yet been brought to trial, the case is even worse. It is a first principle of justice—that justice of which the British nation are properly regarded as the highest exponents—that a man, or any number of men, deprived of their liberty shall be forthwith brought to trial. Again and again in the history of English jurisprudence this principle has been affirmed since the petition of rights and Magna Charta. Are the rights of the people less precious here or now ? Or is it one more disastrous and humiliating result of the demoralising processes at work in so many forms in our government, that we at length confound right with wrong; that we are reverting to despotism and to barbarism'? The Native Office is largely to blame for such a deplorable state of things, and we very heartily wish it out of the way. Its traditions and its proceedure are inherently and j incorrigibly bad, and we witness the spectade of a well-meaning Minister taking charge of one of the foulest measures which has - ever disgraced a British Legislature. We respect" and therefore sympathise with Mr. Bryce. It is the system we condemn, and not the man. Let such a demoralising system be relegated into oblivion. Let its crimes and follies be forthwith buried. Public morality, legislative morality, are imperilled by such proceedings coming constantly to the surface. But the last eruption—the. Maori Prisoners Bill—is infinitely the worst. Where is the necessity for such an unconstitutional measure 1 To avert bloodshed! Why, if anything, it would provoke it; if any tyranny of rulers would justify a revolution, we have it here. We hold it is a sacred duty of the Legislature to protect the people from official arrogrance aiul otlicial tyranny. It is one of the safeguards of our constitution, and for less flagrant violation of the constitutional bulwarks of the nation, not .Ministers merely, but Royalty itself, have been dragged to the scaffold and the block. Better far to double the armed force on the West Coast if necessaiy than destroy such sacred and venerable safeguards of iber ty. The silly alarmist cry we do

not much regard; but if men so cowardly, so feeble, and so impotent, are in any fear, or consider the peace of the country imperilled by resolutely maintaining the principles of-, justice, let them enlist fresh projectors. Surely now, when tlie armed force is so numerous, would be the ' proper time to send the Maori prisoners quietly to their homes. If not now, when"? "When the force is reduced, as it must soon inevitably be, or when it is altogether disbanded? Are these men to be set at liberty, with all their wrongs multiplied indefinitely, when we no longer possess the power of holding" themin check, should they, as becomes their- nature, seek to revenge their wrongs 1 In vain a resolute minority pleaded with the Ministers. The Ministry had a compliant majority at their back, willing, even though tacitly giving up their privileges as free men, to follow the Government into their lobby and vote with them for the transgression of the sacred rights of the people. It was not only for the liberty of 130 natives that the minority pleaded in the House. It was not only the cause of their wives and children and kindred that they pleaded. It was also the cause of the people of New Zealand, for public liberty has been violated, public justice has been trampelled in .the dust jiijtder the feet of. a tyrannical majority, It is for these reasons that we enter our solemn protest against the wrong that has been done. We trust that those of the public who venerate their ancient institutions, who reverence liberty, will mark in the most emphatic manner possible their disapproval of this friost iniquitous and tyrannous measure.