MESSRS. HISLOP AND SHRIMSKI AT THE VOLUNTEER HALL.

Oamaru Mail, Volume IV, Issue 1052, 3 September 1879, Page 1 (Supplement)

MESSRS. HISLOP AND SHRIMSKI AT THE VOLUNTEER HALL.

Messrs Hblnp and Shrimski addressed a very lar/w and *nthnsiastic meeting at the Volunteer iliil last There wt»rt» .ihonr. fjflO or TOO persons present, and the chair *m by His W orihip the Major. The candidate* were loudly ehe»re<i oo moon tin; the platform. The Itiijrsr on ruing laid—l bave been reqUH»t«d to take the chair this evening, and f do m> with a great deal of pleasure. It has been proposed that Mr Shrimski ahull tint address the meeting, and afterwards Mr Hislop, and that any questions you may have tn put to tho candidates shall b« postponed till both hare addressed you. Without any further preface 1 whait introduce Mr Shrimski to yonr notice. Mr SFirimsfci, wlu» on coming forward was loudly applauded, said that ho wm gratified to see large an assemblage of eitiwns sratherpd together to hear the political views of Sir Hislop and hintseti, and to ascertain what they had done, and intend tn d«, if elected, in tho Parliament of the colony. Speaking for himself personally, he might say that fonr year» previously he had been elected as the exponent of certain views entertained by th* constituency and tho country, and, without wi;?T;rii~ to boast, he co"W say that he. had held on to these principles, and had not wavered from tho route then laid down. It was not his intention to detain the meeting long with a description of details, for they all knew perhaps that politic speaking was not hia forte, bnt if energy and hard work in the prosecution of his duties as their representative would be of any service to the public, these he would be glad to give them. (Applause.) He could not dilate with the fluency of some on what was considered well for the colony, bnt he could work for the welfare of the constituency and the country. When they last elected Mr Hislop and himself it was* for a term of years, and that term would have {.••en fuMfUl had it not been for an adverse* vote passed on tho Ministry in the reo-mt session <-.f Parliament, not on account of that Ministry's policy, but solely out of enmity against the leader of that Government, Sir G. Grey. And he wonld ask them whether those person® who had opposed, and who still opposed, the Government could be sincere in accepting that policy while vehemently rejecting the propounder of that policy—the Premier ! He thought they would agree 1 with him that all the profuse sympathy professed for Liberalism by such persons was a mere sham and a delusion. (Hear, hear.) He would proceed to refer t» some of the measures introduced by the Government of Sir G. Grey. Of cheap, one of the moat important was the Bill for the re-adjustment of the representation of the colony, many parts of which were over while others were trader-represented in Parliament. For example, there were constituencies which contained as few as 400, 300, or even 250 people, while others—well, he might cite hiA en*** on* in pointy for he might speak of himself a* the representative of Xooo> people, a* the constituency contained a population of 14,000, and, as they all knew, there were only two members to represent tt. Was that equitable representation i Sir G. GrejV Bill was intended to snch anomalies an t hw mhfht say that if elected ha should >}<> hia bos# to ws that WarCaki received its due in connection with the measure- He certainly thought there should be three merobyrs for the distrust—one for the district of Moeraki. one for Waitaki proper, and one for the town of Oamaru. (Applause.) There were conflicting interests hi the district, and two members could n«t serve one and all at the same time. For example there were the throe ports of Oamaru, Moeraki. and Kakanui, and tf their representatives did anything for one the others were apt to feel aggrieved, and that was perhaps only natural. He misht, however, say that it had been his endeavor to do the best he could for Che district as a whole. He had been challenged as an opponent of the Triennial Parliaments Bitl, and he would unhesitatingly say that he was opposed to is—or rather, that he would oppose it, were an attempt made to carry it without what he held should be its twin measure, namely, the Briberv Bill- Without the latter th# I Triennial Parliaments Bill would simply frustrate an object it sought to K ;un—the return tr> Parliament of men who represented more than their own private interests and prejudices, namely, intelligent tradesmen and farmers, who were closely identified with the body of the people, bnt who. were th*» Bribery Bill not passed, wntitd be nnable to bear tht; expense they wonld tnC'tr by having to contest efeiftiotis every three years. Rut with the Bribery Bill for its statutory companion, the Triennial Parliaments Bill was one "f the best measures which could be passed by Parliament, for the tirsttiamed measure provided that no money should be spen* at elections for caba and canvassing, and it would enact that the poor candidate would have absolutely as good a chance as the rich one. (Applause. ) With the Bribery Bill passed at the same time, he should therefore be in favor of tho Triennial Parliaments Bill, but not otherwise.. He granted that a good deal could be said in favor of triennial parliament® on their own merits atone, for they would bring the people and their representatives more frequently to » mutual reckoning with regard to public affairs. Under the present five years system a man might come forward, obtain the suffrages of the people by promising what ho would never perform—nay, he might, on ceding inlra Parliament, CoaTtJace with the party to oppose which,.he had been elected, and thus the peoplii could be grievously misrepresented without having the power to administer such direct and iustaut punishment as they could apply under triennial parliaments. Ho would admit that there waa something in favor of tjntnqnenniat parliaments in the Argument that it took a member almost thwe years to gat "therun of the ropes" in the House, but with energy he was of opinion that much might be done in that respect eren during the first year. Hf* would next notice the Electoral Bdl. lie might say that he did not believe in giving every man a right to vote on his arrival in the country—he would favor nothing s«» irrational and radical a* that, for lie thought a roan should prove ttim- 1 worfhy of the privilege before obtaining it. That would I* unfair to tl»»*« who by their «ner«y hat a<'.|'.rired pro-|n-rtv tn th, A country —it would be unfair t.> give those who had no stake, no regular" residence in the country, a right to vote, in common with people who had, in electing representatives for the people He thought a man should reside two years in the colony, and after that six months in a given district before being invested with full voting powers. He thought that fair. (Applause.) _IIe would, however, sjivea man who acquired in »rx months after his arrival freehold in the country the full privilege of the franchise; and he would have registration of votes made possible, made lawful, alt the year round, instead of. as only front the besfinnin'* r.f J.vnnary t;.; the pnd of March. For this reform tho Bilt of the Government provided. (Clear, hear.) He would be in favor of tho deferred payment system beins carried out more liberally and extensively than hitherto. He would have the price redueed and the payments extended over a larger period, in order that settler* nuithf. expend their means in improvina th.:> land itself, instead of expending thf.se means in payments which left them powerless to farm their selections with profit to themselves or benefit to the country. (Applause.) He asked leave to revert to the aversion displayed by'

many speakers and writers towards Sir George Grey as the leader of the Ministry, while those very persons professed the warn:* it regard for that leader's policy. W, 11, what was the real meaning '-f all this ] Simply, that those gentlemen kr.-.'w that that was tho only policy of which the people would hear, that by admiring and advocating it they hoped to get themselves or those they believed in into Parliament, bat let them get there, and the people would see how soon they wonld cast not only Sir G. Grey aside, but his Liberal measures also. So mach for their thoroughgoing fidelity to the cause of Liberalism—tho canse of the people. (Loud applause.) It was somewhat stronge that for twenty years nothing had been heard of Liberalism from these new converts to the creed, yet they objected to that creed's propounder and expounder—Sir G. Grey ! Their object was simply to depo3e the Premier, nnd would they believe in profusions of faith of people who wished to depose the inculcator of that faith I Tho thine was a miserable, manifest sham ! (Applanse.) He wished to state, without any reservation, that he would oppose the reintroduction of Bible reading in the public schools ; he wonld not, for the safeej of obtaining their votes, lead them to believe that he would vote for either this thing or that thing, but what he honestly intended to do, or not to do, he would tell them plainly. Immigration, he thought, should be kept in _ check for a time till things became brighter, and though the restriction of immigration might lead to the present population bearing an increased amount of taxation, but it was better that that should be than that they should continue to bring into the colony large numbers of people whim they could not supply with employment. ("Applause.) It behoved, he said, the people to take an active interest in politics, for, with the new loan of 15,000,000. tho indebtedness of the colony would amount to L 27,000,000, and the yearly interest on loans would amount to JLil,ooo,ooo. It was therefore necessary that there should be no more political railways and no expenditure of public money on works that were not literally reproductive. If elected, he would do his best to see that all public expenditure should be judicious in the highest degree, and would also in an earnest spirit enter with othera into the serious consideration of what shapo any necessary new taxation should take. His own opinion was that a property tax which wonld reach persons who held wealth in shares or companies as well as in land wonld be a fair tax, and wonld cause people to contribute with some decree of ecjuality towards the rej virtue of the colony. Mr Shrimski then referred to the incidents of his ' making tour through the country districts, and referred to one place where the people were afraid to express their opinions ; but he trusted that the electors generally would not be led away by oil}' tonsmes —by men who only met them familiarly or ingratiatingly when they had something to gain, but at any other time would not know them. (Applause.) If they allowed themselves to be swayed by snch people now they wonld be all slaves twenty years hence. (Laughter and apprise.) The speaKer went on to refer to a charge made by Mr Duncan that the t-»te members had neglected the country districts*, and given all their circ to the tr»wn ; but was the Endowment for the Oamaru Harbor Board not as much for : the benefit of the country districts—nay. the whote colony—as the town of Oamaru? | He wonld ask them, too, who had got the : Waitaki His*h School Act—was that to ! henefit only" the children of the town of ; Oamaru I (Cheers.) Then there was the Endowment for the Benevolent Institution, the LI I,GOO vote for the Kakanui Harbor Board, and the L 5.000 for the j Marewhenua bridge—was obtaining all I these thincs neglecting the country districts 1 (Aoplanae.) If Mr Duncan j w «hed a member in Parliament to advo- : oate a railway sidiitj to h«3 private door, or oihar people wanted him to make it • his business to get cattle yards erected either here or there, or were aggrieved jjbecanao their representative did not atf tend in Parliament to pettifogging work [ of that sort, then he distinctly declined to become that member, to degrade the : General Assembly of the colony by b.-com- | ing such a representative. (Cheers.) He i referred to the rnmnr about his beins called to the Upper House in the event of his net beinsi reelected, and said that it had been got up—concocted, to damage the chance of his election. AH he could was th.t he knew nothing whatever about anv such a contingency, but he would venture to say that if cilk-d to a seat in that Chamber, he would just be as good looking, as able, as consistent, and w willinii to serve tho country as any gentleman—- ; or, at least as much so as some of the gentlemen—already there. II called there they should never find him opposing measures f«rmed to benefit tho district or the colony, but no matter what House he misjht have the honor of sitting in he should ever endeavor to serve the people amongst whom ho had lived for so many years. To conclude —he felt he had done his duty, that he had wilfully noglecteu nothing which he had thought conducive to the interests or advancement of the constituency a3 a whole, he had fulfilled. his promises, and he hoped that when polling day came they would give him the verdict which he thought he was entitled to receive at th„ir hands. (Applause.) 3lr Hislop, who was received with applause, said he hoped the meeting would not expect him to give a very fnll exposition of the views he held upon the various snbjects agitating tho public mind of the colony. They no doubt all had the papers, and had read therein the speeches of other members, who had probably more ably expressed the views ha entertuined than he could state thnm._ With regard to somo person in tho constituency the remark was true that those matters which canio of tenest before them were the least thought of; what the eyeloftenest dwelt upon was tho least seen. On Saturday last he heard a gentloman who had some knowledge of history—he referred to the proposer of Mr Steward —make use of language which he should quote. That gentleman had stated that he did not know what Liberalism meant. It sometimes happened that minds were so autocratically constituted that they could not comprehend the meaning of Liberalism. £t would be impossible to bring home to them fully the lessons vh'.ch history taught in regard to Liberalism. Since he had been in the House these les3on3 had been more forcibly brought to his mind than in any previous period of his cxistontv. He would endeavor to indicate his belief in what Liberalism meant, the lessons it taught, and hov those lessons were to be applied in the future legislation of the cobny. What is Liberalism 1 He had stated at the nomination that those persons who cmbr,;e.j*l it preeminently looked upon Government as a means of conferring the greatest good upon the greatest number, auci to draw their lessons for the future from tut* principle, without being dismayed at even ',he of a amad revolution. were that pa r ty in the State bound up in the consideration of matters as they affected capital only. When they bore in mind his definition of Liberalism they could see tho broad lines of demarkation that existed between the two parties. A party had lately been raised which recognised that those princir.loa best adapted to the requirements of a democratic country had not ! reigned in the colony. He would begin with the suffrage question. It had long been recognised by all writers npon p litical economy that all residents in a country should have some voice in

the making of the laws by which that country was governed—that those who contributed to the revenue should have the power of saying in what manner that revenue should be raised, and how expended. Such was not the case in New Zealand. Unfortunately, the early settlers of the colony had attempted to transplant here laws which, although suited to an old country like England, were not suitable in a young colony. It was no use looking back to see who was to blame. He did not sympathise with those who twitted men with voting against certain measures in times past, because they were found supporting them to-day. They should be thankful that the force of public opinion had had such an influence upon them that they were now found embracing the j Liberal principles. The first wrong prin- ' ciple having crept in, others grew out of it, and the result was numerous blunders 1 in the legislation of the colony. It was the duty of the Liberals to so alter the law that there should be no recurrence of tho evils in the future. It was proposed to make an alteration in the electoral laws as indicated by Mr Shrimski, recognising the principle that from the people all power arises, that they are in fact the fountains of power; that, regardless of all class distinctions, they would have a voice in the making of the laws. So soon as a person gave evidence that he intended to become a resident in the colony the privilege of voting for those who were to make the laws should be accorded to him. The Bill introduced by the Government, while according to property the same rights as hitherto enjoyed by its owners, proposed to extend the franchise to those who had lived in the colony 12 months, and six months in one place. He thought that 12 months wa3 too short a time for a person to givo sufficient evidence that he was going to make the colony his home, and he agreed with iMr Shrimski that it would be advisable to extend the time to two years. Supposing that the Government should be successful in carrying this Bill, there were many other measures necessary to be passed before the people would be placed in a position to enjoy to the full the privileges which it would confer. He wonld fir3t notice the Representation Bill. In the past the colony had been cnt up into districts, which were then fairly divided, but which did not now form a fair basis of representation. He might instance the cases of Nelson and Taranaki, the representation of which, though originally fair enough, had been rendered, owing to the ever changing circumstances of the colony, out of proportion that of other places. The city of Nelson, for instance, had two members to represent a town not larger than Oamaru, while the whole of the important district of Waitaki, Oamaru included, had only two members to watch over its interests. In allowing the representation of the colony to remain in this unfair condition previous Ministries had been actuated by that lazy spirit whioh was generally common to Conservatism. (Applause.) It was intended by the Bill to appoint a Board independent of the Ministry of the day to adjust the representation of the colony from time to time in accordance with its varying circumstances ; to divide the colony intodistricts.independentofany effect it might have upon any individual portion of it. It was proposed to divide the colony somewhat on the following basi3 : Each borough to have one member for every 0500 of population, and every country district one for each 5000 ; that was, a town of 13,000 inhabitants would have two member*. Where a town contained les3 that 6500 of proportion it was included in a country district, and given representation in the proportion mentioned. It would of cour3e be impossible to bring representation exactly to the numbers stated, but it would be based as slosely as possible on them. They would would then find that, instead of, as was tho case when the provinces were being abolished, the majority representing but a small portion of the inhabitants of the colony, the whole colony wonld be fairly represented, and that the voice of the people would be fairly heard. When the House of Representatives was elected in 1870, the question of public works was attracting the attention of the public, and j it was not necessary that any one seeking j election should support Liberal principles j if he was prepared to give a ! snpport to the public works policy. ! This policy ruled the country for a time, ! bnt it was settled during the first session. ; Tho great questions of land and local government came up, and these questions were decided without any reference to the people. Ic was hoped that thi3 would be obviated. Five years was a long time for a Parlhment to exist in a country like this colon} - ; it was equal to more than seven years in an older country. It was hoped that by tho Triennial Parliaments Bill to give to the colony an opportunity of expressing its views as far as possible upon all great questions of policy. At present a man might be elected to support a Government, aud he might when he got to Wellington turn round and support the Opposition. Being elected for five years, he might snap his fingers at the constituency. and throw to the winds the promises he had made when seeking election. It was necessary that people of this sort should have the wholesome fear before them of knowing that they would soon have to meet their constituents. It would bring members and their constituents into a closer union. Liberalism assisted iij the upholding of the principles whioh he had indicated ; it aimed at giving a voice to the people, dividing the country into suitable sized districts, and giving (he representatives frequent opportunities of coming before their constituents, so that they who hoped to continue to represent tlieni should abide faithfully by the principles they had promised to uphold. (Applause.) With rogard to these* measures it was quite on the cards that persons who were really Conservatives at heart would promise to carry them ont, bnt it did not follow that they would bo in sympathy with the great body of the people, and that they would support the carrying out of those measures. With regard to tlse questions of the administration of justice, land tenure, and taxation, ho said they contained absurdities which ought long since to have been swept away. It was one of the first principles of Magna Charta that justice should be meted out equally to every man ; but justice in their lower courts was most unsatisfactory, and in the superior courts it was simply a mockery. He did not wish to onter fully into the question of of the admistration of justice, which was a mockery. Mr Stout had made an effort to remedy the defecti, but he could only go a very abort way in this direction. In 1876 it was pointed out by supporters of Provincialism that if the Government attended to the requirements of the provinces they could not give a proper amount of attention to the greater colonial matters. Thus it would be in the future : How should they take from the Parliament the considerations of questions of local interest, leaving the Legislature to deal with the higher questions? Now, with regard to their land laws. They had seen that the suffrage had been tainted with class prejudices, and they found that the same taint had got into the land laws of the colony to a worse extent. It was unnecessary to remind residents in this district of the difficulties they had experienced in getting a liberal land law passed—they had not got it yet: but they possessed a more liberal law than formerly. In the North Island a similar state of things existed; a number of drones had grown up, and instead of tho land being parcelled out and settled upon it was passing into the hands of a lot of speculators, who were retailing

it at a profit of 500 per cent. In this part of the colony they witnessed the spectacle of an improvident Government disposing of land in large blocks to individuals. They had Been thousands of acres in the province sacrificed simply to replenish an impoverished exchequer, at a time when persons living in this district were prepared to purchase land if they could only get it at a reasonable price, and in suitably-sized farms. The lesson to be learned from thi3 was that a Liberal land law should be passed which would enable settlers to acquire farms without intermediate profits going into the pockets of speculators, and with as little dSlay as possible turned into use. (Applause.) This was the principle that the present Government was striving to introduce into the land laws of the colony. They also desired to make the same principle apply to the sale of native lands. To refer to the inequalities ot taxation. They had found under the public works scheme that persons profited by the expenditure of public money without returning to the State anything like an equivalent. This state of thing should not continue, and it was the purpose of the present Government to remedy it. There were in the late House of Representaties men who, like the present Premier, were working to this end ; but there were other persons in that House who did everything thwart their efforts. He could go on refering to many other similar questions, but he would not pursue the matter any further. He would proceed to deal witli tho Premier and his Government. (Cheers.) It had been asked, " What has the present Government done'?" They had been twitted by the Opposition with having done nothing. With regard to thi3 he would tell a story which had gained currency, and which would have a bearing upon the question. The Government had not perhaps done much, but he contended that they had done something, and would have done more had they not been prevented. The siory was as follows: In Ireland there wa3 a parish in which dwelt a Catholic priest and an English clergyman, the former of which had a congregation and no stipend, and the latter a stipend and no congregation. (Laughter.) It was necessary upon certain occasions, when the Bishop visited the parish, however, that the latter should show a congregation, and at such times the Catholic priest, who was on the best of terms with his fellow preacher, kindly lent him his flock to fill the church. On one occasion, when the bishop came down the church was filled with Catholics, and the service proceeded all risrht until the time arrived when the response " Good Lord deliver us" should be nttered, but the congregation, instead of repeating it, answered with " Ave Maria,"and at once proclaimed theircreed. In like manner the Opposition allowed their followers to go over to the other side for two sessions, for the purpose of carrying out their measures; but in 1878, when the Government asked the House to make a proper response, they responded with "Ave Maria," and at once proclaimed their creed, and what their object was there. They found them taking up measures which, had they been sincere, they would not have adoptpd. Xow, what a change had come over these persons! Instead of, as in 1875 and 187G, declaring that Sir George Grey was a madman, they found them simply stating that he was unfit to hold the position of Premier, and expressing their willingness to swallow all his measures, if they could only be allowed to sit where he now sits. Surely the person who undertook to .alter the present condition of things should be allowed to carry out his measures of reform. Instead of this, they saw the opposite principle advocated by the Opposition, who asked that Sir George Grey should be deposed from the position of leader of the House. He looked upon this as most unjust, and it was treatment such as no person ought to expect at the hands of the people's representatives. (Applause.) To show the insincerity of such persons they had only to turn to the Daily Times, which was just now condemning certain actions of of the Government, and although these actions lay within the province of the Minister for Public Works, the Premier is blamed. With singular insincerity they find this paper, and men like Mr. W. D. Stewart, aotually ready to support Mr Macandrew as Prime Minister in place of Sir George Grey. The actions referred to were what are known as the Tapanni and Thame3-Waikato railway "jobs." Although these works lay peculiarly within tho province of the Minister for Public Works, they found the Daily Times, after wasting columns of paper on the subject, ready to make Mr Macandrew the Premier. If the Government or any person is to be condemned, let them be condemned upon some principle. If Sir George Grey is proved to be forgetful of the princ'jjles which he had advocated, let him be deposed, but if the cry was simply got up by persons who were opposed to his measures, he hoped the people would put it down. He had no sympathy with people who, because the policy was a popular one, supported the principles enunciated by Sir George Grey, but who declared that Sir 'George was not the man to lead the House. With regard to. this constituency, he hoped they would support those persons who were prepared to give a support, not only to tho measures, but to Sir George Grey himself. (Applause.) He did not think the Government was free from faults, but they should look to the general tendency of their policy. The policy of the present Government was to place every class upon an equal footing, and when they found a party in power the tendency of whose policy was further advancement of the country, they ought to support it. All Ministries had their faults ; but there were two ways of looking at a wrong action on the part of a Government. They should see first whether it was opposed to law, and then whother tho illegal action was taken in the interests of the people. He then referred to the Piako Swamp transaction of the Atkinson Ministry, which was not only outside the law—rso much so as'to require a special act of indemnification — but opposed to the best interests of the country. And yet the members of this very Ministry were the. men who cried out against the acts of the present Government ! With regard to the Tapanui and Thames-Waikato railways, " jobs," as they were called, it could with justice be said that however illegal they were they were for the good of the people. Regarding the Tapanui railway, Mr Bastings, during the term of the Atkinson Ministry, had moved for the construction of the work, and the members of the then Government had voted with him. Mr Eastings put it to the Government whether ov not they were fooling him, and they had distinctly stated that they were not. That Ministry shortly afterwards went out, and the present Government, relying upon that resolution, had let the contract. It was illegal to thi3 extent: There ought to have been a bill introduced and passed through both Houses. A Bill was afterwards obtained, but the work was carried out upon the promise made by their predecessors. This happened before 1878, but it did not prevent many purists of the Oliver and Vincent Pyke type from supporting the Government. It was only in 1879 that they went over. He did not know whether it was necessary to explain the ThameSrWaikato railway affair, but as various statements had been made regarding it, he would also give his version. In the first map which was atattachedto the Public Works Statement, the railway which was to be constructed, was shown as from the Waikato to Te > Aroha. Mr Richardson was not satisfied

with this, and asked that a map should be laid on the table shoeing where the different lines were to be laid off. A map was then brought, down showing the line as going from. Waikato to Grahamstown. This was laid on tKe table, and anyone wishing to see it could do so. Mr Rowe, the member for the' Thames, stated that he had .always understood that the railway was to go from Grahamstown. The fact was the Government commenced the line at Grahamstown instead- of at Te Aroha. The difficulty arose from the fact that Mr Macandrew did not know the country, and in his statement underrated the length of the line, but taken in conjunction with the map anyone could have seen how the line would go. If the Atkinson Ministry • had been in office, nothing would have been said about it. It was an unfortunate thing, and the Government might have been wrong in proceeding with the work, but even so, that was no sufficient ground for turning them out of office. (Cries of no," and applause.) He did not intend to weary them any further. He had had so much cold water and Bible reading at Otepopo that he had got a cold which he had all that, day been trying to doctor, but unsuccessfully. He would tell them, plainly the course he intended to pursue, if re-elected, with regard to the present Ministry. So long as he found Sir George Grey and his Ministry honestly striving to bring into operation the measures of reform they had introduced he would be found supporting the Government, (Hear, hear.) Despite what a great many people had said, there were two parties in the House—a party which regarded property as the only matter for consideration, and the party which regarded all questions from a humanitarian point of view. He did not say there should be no difference in the constitution of classes ; it was only right that there should be. Capital would always have its sway, but it should be sufficient that it should exercise ils power outside of the Legislature only. He intended to support Sir George Grey so long as he adhered to the principles he had enunciated, because he belonged to that party in the House which favored measures in accordance with democratic institutions ; because he was of that party which was particularly the friend of the industrial classes, the party which has raised its voice against the legislation that lias placed the lands of the colony in the hands of the few. Until they could place their hands upon a few who owned millions of acres of land, the feelings of the people should be found represented in the Parliament of the colony. If they believed this they would not be hoodwinked by the promises made by persons who found out what were the views of the people, and then adopted them as their own. If they wished to see the policy of Sir George Grey carried out, if they were guided by the principles enunciated by him, they would not elect persons who would turn him out of office. He hoped they, would judge him in this light. He would be prepared to abide by the deoision they would give on Friday, and from the expressions of opinion given by the meeting that verdict would, he felt sure, be such as he would be gratified to •receive. (Loud applause.)

The Chairman then intimated that the candidates were prepared to answer any questions that might be put to them. Mr. T. Y. Duncan : I have several questions that I would like to ask Mr. Shrimski. Did you try to get the Harbor Board made elective ? Mr. Shrimski : Decidedly. It was my Bill at the first onset. I might a'so state for the information of Mr. Duncan that had it not been for the Hon. H. J. Miller the Bill would liq,vg come into force long before. Mr. Duncan : Are you a believer in elective bodies? Mr. Shrimski : I am. Mr. Duncan : Why did you not get the High School Board made elective'? Mr. Shrimski : Because I did not think it desirable. We might have got men there who would not be desirable. (Laughter.) Mr. Duncan : Did you introduce the High-School Bill into the House ? Mr. Shrimski : I did, sir ; and carried it too. (Applause.) Mr. Duncan : Before going up to the House last session did you or did you not say to anyone in Oamaru that " old Grey was an old sham" '? Mr. Shrimski : Not that I recollect. (A voice : " That has nothing to do with the election.) Mr. Duncan : Did you see a piece in the papers to the effect that you were to be called to the Upper House if you were not to be elected? Mr. Shrimski : I believe that statement was promulgated by the same person who gave you tiie instructions which you are reading. (Applause, and cries of " Sit down Thomas.")

Mr. Duncan : I do not consider that a direct answer, Mr. fShrimsti : I have not seen what you refer to, but I have heard that it has been circulated by people who have a malicious intention of injuring my election. Mr. Duncan : Did you approve of the Government defending the natives in the cases to be brought against them for ploughing up land in Taranaki ? Mr. Shrimski : I don't think the matter was ever brought before the House. Who gave ycu the information] (Laughter.) A question was asked, but the matter did not go beyond that. Mr. Duncan : Did you see a paragraph in the papers stating that Mr. E-ees had said that the natives were robbed of their land ? Mr. Shrimski:! should not be surprised to find that such was the case. Mr. Duncan ; Do you consider that 3uch statements are likely to quiet the native disturbance ? Mr. Shrimski : I cannot tell you what Mr. Heos' intentions were. Mr. Duncan : Did you ask any of the guards on the railways to give you their votes ? Hp. Shrimski : ISfa, I have never asked anyone for his vote, and I certa.inly should not think of asking you. Mr, Duncan ; Did I ever ask you for a siding to my door 1 Mr. Shrimski: You might have done so. You certainly spoke to me about it, and I take it that you were in earnest. (Laughter.) Mr. Duncan : Did I not speak of sidings generally between Duntroon and Oamaru? A voice : What about the cattle yards 1 (Yells of laughter.) Mr. Shrimski : Gentlemen, the fact is Mr. Duncan has followed my late colleague and myself about the district. He has been put up to follow us. At one place he was our chairman, and at another he tried to give us a simple vote of thanks, In this he was foiled, hqwever, and he now comes here with a long list of questions upon the most trivial matters. I must tell Mr. Duncan that I am not the Minister for Public Works nor the Engi-lieer-in-Chief. If he has any complaints to make he should go to those gentlemen. Mr. Duncan : Now, Mr. Hislop, I want to ask you a question. Did you not represent to Mr. Macandrew when he was here that the Livingstone Railway should go from Windsor instead of from Maheno 1 Mr. Hislop : I recommended nothing of the sort. I have stated this before, and Mr. Duncan knows as well as I do what I did state to Mr. Macandrew. You will remember that a railway committee was formed in this town some years ago far the purpose of urging the Government to construct a railway to Naseby. They were unsuccessful in this direction, but they ultimately prevailed upon the Government to make the railway as far as Livingstone.- About that time a deputation from Maheno waited on nie, to urge that the line be taken from Maheno. I

laid; their views before the committee, but ;was simply pooh-poohed. When I went up to Wellington I received two petitions, respectively urging me to support the Windsor and the Maheno routes. I however, while fully laying .before the Minister for Public Works, the views of the parties interested, told, him that as I did not wish to mis myself up in any squabble of the kind I. vould leav,e {he matter entirely for him :to deal with. I must confess that I looked; with suspicion upon the arguments used, by both sides. The final decision on the matter, therefore,"rested with one individual, and the only position I took up was to point out the necessity for adopting that route which would open up the most land. (Applause.) Mr. Duncan : Did you hear Mr. Macandrew state to two residents in Maheno that if he had aUowed the railway to go by, way of Maheno neither Mr. Shrimski nor yourself would have forgiven hi in ? . Mr. Hislop : No ; I did not. Mr. Duncan has not learnt his instructions properly. (Laughter.) I cannot help saying that I consider these questions degrading to the constituency. They might with propriety be considered by a member of the County Council, but they ought not to be put to a member of the House. Mr. Macandrew did say something, and if I thought it would in the least interest you I would repeat it, but it would not.

Mr, Hurst : Mr. Shrimski, why are you opposed to Bible reading in schools 1 Mr. Shrimski: Because it is unfair to other creeds. (Applause.) Mr. Hurst : But ho other creeds go there; (Loud laughter.) Mr. Rodgers Can you explain how it was that the Hospital endowment . was allowed to be leased, parted with, .for fourteen years, at a ridiculously lowfigure ? Mr. Shrimski: If my memory serves me rightly, the endowment was set aside by the Provincial Government, but this required to be ratified by the Assembly. I received intimation from •"the then member for this district (Mr. Steward) that the Hon. 8,. Campbell objected to the land being given, unless he could get a fourteen years' lease of it at Is an acre. I remember that a meeting of the Hospital Committee was called together, and .that Mr. Julius wrote a telegram in re, ly, to the effect that as Mr. Steward was 011 the spot he knew best what to do, and so they arranged it amongst themselves. Mr. Rodgers : Do you mean to say that it was a hole and corner business 1

Mr. Shrimski : I cannot say anything beyond what I have related. The Chairman : Does any other gentleman wish to ask a question ? A voice : Ask a few yourself. (Laughter). Mr. Rodgers : Mr. Shrimski, if there are men in the Upper House who are mean enough to take advantage of a charitable institution, are you in favor of an elective Upper House—elective from the Lower House 1 Mr., Shrimski : That is a question which lam not prepared to answer right off. It would be better, perhaps, to have gentlemen in the Upper House who had gained some experience in the Lower House but I am not sure that this would alter the state of things you refer to, because it so happens that the very gentleman to whom I have referred represented you in the Lower House before he was called to the Legislative Council. Mr. Duncan : Why did the representatives allow the vote for the Custom-house in Oamaru to lapse 1 Mr. Shrimski : Besause the Government did not expend the money. If Mr. Duncan read the papers he would find that I asked a question regarding this matter in the House. The Chairman : Are there any more questions. A voice : Haven't you got another question Thomas ? (Loud laughter). Mr John Thomson mounted the platform, and said that al the last election he had had the honor of proposing Messrs Hislop and Shrimski as fit and proper persons to represent them, and he must say candidly that he had had no occasion to change his opinion. He was pleased to see that they were still strong in their support of Sir George Grey. He had no sympathy with people who liked Sir Geo. Grey's policy and did not like the man. He referred to the statements made to the effect that Sir George Grey was a madman, and said that he had had the pleasure of hearing Sir George Grey in that hall, and found him to be no mad man. He had great pleasure in moving, '' That Messrs Hislop and Shrimski are fit and proper persons to represent the district of Waitaki in the House of Representatives," Mr Sumpter had great pleasure in seoonding the motion. The candidates had been elected four years ago to support certain principles, and so far as he could learn they had faithfully upheld them. - The resolution was carried unanimously. The candidates briefly acknowledged the compliment. On the motion of Mr Hislop, a hearty vote of thank 3 was accorded to the Mayor for presiding, and that gentleman, in responding, said it had seldom been his fortune to be present at so orderly and unanimous a meeting. His duties had been most easy and pleasant.

The meeting then separated with three cheers for Sir George Grey.