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New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIV, Issue 5760, 15 September 1879, Page 2

Heralded, as it has been, by the news that the Russian Press strongly urge the partition of Afghanistan between Russia and England, the latest intelligence—to the effect that the Russians are marching upon Merv—will not cause much surprise. For the information of those of our readers who are not well posted in the geography of Central Asia, we may point out that the town of Merv belongs to the Tekke Turcomans, and is situated close to the north-western boundary of Afghanistan. The relative position of the English and the Russian outposts in that part of Central Asia may be best understood from the following table of distances. Assuming that Khiva would be the Russian, and Peshawur the English, base of operations, their position may be thus indicated : On the map Merv lies about 2GO miles south of Khiva, Herat about 225 miles south of Merv. Herat is now the western capital of Afghanistan, and lies abou t 350 miles due west of Cabul, upon which town the British forces are now marching, and which, as the crow flies, lies only about 150 miles to the east of Peshawur, the nearest town in British India. The distances are computed from a very excellent map published in 1870 in connection with Sir H. Rawlinson’s book on England and Russia in the East.

We believe that sooner or later England and Russia must become next door neighbors in Asia. The turbulent and semi-independent neighboring tribes are constantly engaged in some raid over their borders, and the aggrieved persons, who have but lately come under the rule either of the Emperor of Russia or the Empress of India, as the case may bo, naturally expect and demand support and assistance from their new ruler.

According to Sir Hrxby Ra.wx.in’son s description of Afghanistan, it has no real existence as a separate nation, and can only be regarded as a geographical accident. Ho says ; It should be remembered, then, that Afghanistan never has had, and never can have, the cohesion and consistency of a regular monarchical government. The nation consists of a mere collection of tribes, of unequal power and with divergent habits, which are held together, more or less closely, according to the 'personal character of the chief who rules them. The feeling of patriotism, as known in Europe, cannot exist among the Afghans, for there is no common country. In its’place is found a strong, turbulent love of individual liberty, which naturally rebels against authority, and would be equally impatient of control, whether exercised by English or Russians, or Persians, or even Duranis. There is no natural or ethical reason whv Herat and Candahar should be attached to Oahul. Herat is inhabited by races entirely alien to the Afghans, by Jamshidis, Eymaks, and Hazdreha ; while at Candahar, though the land was parcelled out by Nadir Shah in the middle of the last century among the Durdni aristocracy, and their descendants still exist as a privileged class, the peasantry are everywhere of Persian, or T.-ijik, or Turkish descent, and have no community of feeling with the northern and eastern Afghans, who are the dominant party at Cabul, and who are especially opposed to the English alliance.

It.would seem, therefore, that a partition would be a far less heinous crime than at first sight might appear. We publish iu another column a description, given by the same authority, of the strategical importance of Merv. Sir Henry Bawlin'son is of opinion that Herat lies at the mercy of any power holding Merv, also that Herat is the key of India, and that Russia in possession of Herat would have a gripe on the throat of India. It would be difficult to name any man whose opinion on the subject is entitled to more weight than Sir H. Rawlinson’s. This book was written before the Russian occupation of Khiva was regarded as permanent, though the Khanate has since become a recognised dependency of Russia. Even at that time the author declared that he foresaw little chance of any settled government in Afghanistan under Shere Am, and he also exposed the truly Eastern duplicity of his successor Yakoob Khan. It was also plainly stated that the Khivan expedition was one of a series of movements which would almost infallibly lead the Russians to Merv. The accuracy of Sir H. Rawlinson’s judgment has been amply proved by recent events.

It appears, therefore, that -while the English forces are moving on Cabul, the Russians are marching on Merv. At the same time the Hussain Press is strenuously urging the partition of Afghanistan between Russia and England. The recent massacre at Cabul was almost sure to lead to English intervention in Afghanistan of a far more permanent and definite character than any which has yet been enforced. Judging by the light of recent events, it seems more than likely that the Russians have become alarmed lest the occupation of Herat by the English might prove to be one of the conditions of forgiveness which would be insisted upon by the English Government. This concession would not suit their policy at all ; consequently a cry has been raised by which it is proposed to divide the territory of Afghanistan after the following fashion. Russia would expect to receive Western Afghanistan, with the important fortress of Herat and a fertile country peopled by, comparatively speaking, a peaceful and easily-governed race, of whose fighting powers Sir Henry Bawlxsson speaks

in terms of disparagement, describing i “ the Western Afghans as the most con- | temptible enemies England would have : the turbulent hill tribes handed over to , her as her share, with the privilege of controlling the Eastern Afghans, whose elder delight is warfare, and of whose fanaticism the recent massacre at Cabul is, unfortunately, but too forcible an example. Smite of the ablest military authorities have long held the opinion unit Herat is both strategically aml politically the -bulwark of India. Russia may therefore be excused for sharing the opinion, and for seizing the first pretext for asserting a claim to the key of India. The latest news implies that Russia is prepared to excuse her advance on Merv after much the same fashion as the English will excuse their reoocupatiou of Cabul. The Russians will claim the right to occupy Herat as a set-off against the English occupation of Cabal, and can make out such an excellent case in favor of their claim, that wo think it quite likely that England would again lose the day if the question were submitted to international arbitration. Our telegrams also inform us that Russia and Germany have been fraternising again lately. The Indian question would be sure to be brought up and discussed, and the English side of the question would meet with but little sympathy. The partition scheme may have been approved at Berlin. Some idea of the importance attached by England to the independence of Herat may be gathered from the treaty made by England with Persia in 1853. According to that treaty the Persian Government first promised not to interfere in the internal affairs of that country, and also agreed that “ Afghan or other, should desire to iuter- “ fere with or encroach upon the terri- “ tory of Herat or its dependencies, and “ the Persian Ministers should make the “ request, the British Government are “not to be remiss in restraining them “and in giving their friendly advice, so “ that Herat may remain in its own state “of independence.” If the Russians were really anxious to bring about a collision with England in the East, they could not have devised a more certain moans of picking a quarrel, than by the occupation of Merv, coupled with an avowed design on Herat, disguised under the euphonious proposal now known as “ the partition of Afghanistan.” That State may be compared to an oyster and Herat is the edible portion. Russia proposes to swallow up that as her share, and would hand over the two shells to England. At the same time Russia would not disdain the help of England’s sword in opening the oyster.