MR. HUTCHISON AT NEWTOWN.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIV, Issue 5741, 23 August 1879, Page 3

MR. HUTCHISON AT NEWTOWN.

Mr. Hutchison, a candidate for the representation of the city in the House of Representatives, met the electors of the city resident at Newtown last evening, at the school-house. There was a good attendance.

Mr. Alexander Wilson was voted to the chair, and in introducing Mr. Hutchison said it was the duty of the electors to put in office a man like the candidate.

Mr. Hutchison, on coming forward, was well received. He reminded them that on the last occasion he met the ratepayers of Newtown it was with regard to municipal affairs ; now he came before them with reference to other matters. But it might be well first of all to allude to certain municipal doings which rather affected his candidature. He was aware there had been great loss entailed upon the settlers in the Newtown district in consequence of the badness of Riddiford-street, but he disclaimed all connection with the origin of the contract, and said since he had been in office he had endeavored to get the work pushed on, so as to relieve the settlers of the inconvenience to which they had been subjected. He was after all only one of thirteen, and ought only to bear a portion of the blame, if any was deserved, but he begged to assure them that he was in no way responsible for the inconvenience. He alluded to works in Oweu-street, Haniel-street, Hawker-street, Hunter-street, and in other places, now going on, to show that he was desirous of doing his duty, and it was necessary to do this, he thought, because the way in which a man discharged duties already entrusted to him, would guide the ratepayers as to whether they should entrust him with other duties. As to the unemployed question, he had so repeatedly waited on the Government, that he feared he bad been voted a nuisance. The Minister of Public Works had promised him that tenders should be at once called for making the first section of the West Coast railway, and for reclaiming land at Pipitea. The modus operandi of course would be to reclaim part of the foreshore by throwing upon it the earth removed from the Kaiwarra Hills in construction of the line. However, it would take six weeks to advertise, and another six weeks for the successful contractor to get to work, so that it would be three months before any employment would be afforded by that work. That morning the Minister for Public Works had promised that within a week or ten days a piece of the line should be gone on with, where there would be nothing but simple cutting, so that in a very short time there need not be an unemployed man in Wellington. (Applause.) He made that announcement with great satisfaction, because the fact of there being so many unemployed men about the city had kept sleep from him at night, for he knew how many honest men had been unable to get work, though perfectly ready to do it. With this preface he would take up the running with regard to the election. Although only now called upon to elect two members, the population of Wellington entitled it to elect four. He hoped that would be their share of representation before long, and he should endeavor to obtain that number, and also endeavor to secure that one of those members should be allocated to Cook Ward. (Hear, hear.) However, they only had two to elect, and he hoped they would use their votes to elect men capable not only of standing up for the interests, but al o for the dignity of the city, and he had the honor of offering himself as a candidate. He at once wished to say that while he recognised that the attacks made upon him lowered his influence and character as a public man, still he should not notice those attacks during the course of this contest. He advocated extension of the franchise, readjustment of the representation, triennial Parliaments, and revision of the system of taxation. These were valuable as leading up to other reforms. He believed that the constitution of the Legislative Council should either be ended or amended. He preferred the latter, because checks in legislation were necessary. We needed delivering from ourselves sometimes. A popular assembly would sometimes rush with excellent enthusiasm into a measure to right an injustice, and in its enthusiasm perhaps rush beyond the limit of justice. They wanted a second chamber, therefore, in his opinion, but the Council should be reformed so as to make it more popular, while embracing within it the intelligence and worth of the country. These reforms, however, could only be regarded as leading up to greater; for instance, land reform. (Hear, hear.) They had got the people for the land, and they wanted the land for the people. (Cheers.) He believed in the State leasing the land, but the country was not yet ripe for that. It was, however, ripe for this, that the land should be sold in small quantities to a large number of people, and it was ripe for the discouragement of land being held in large quantities by a small number of people. (Hear.) There were in this colony 112 individuals who held no less than 8,000,000 acres between them—(“Shame”) —that was to say that each of these individuals held 71,000 acres of land. In the United Kingdom there were 83 individuals who held 100,000 acres each, and there were gentlemen in New Zealand who desired to follow that example, and who desired to set up two classes—that was a class of large landholders, or an aristocracy, and a class of people who should be servants to them. Now, that was not required in this country, (Hear, hear.) The country required a yeomanry class, men of small means living on their own land, and laboring for themselves in comfort and competence. To have the whole people living in comfort was much better for the country than to have a few persons holding large quantities of land and having the rest of the community for their servants. (Hear, hear.) In Canada and the United States there was a law, called tbe Homestead Law, under which the State gave men so much land on condition that they occupied it and improved it. Perhaps we had not that extent of country here which would warrant us in taking that step, but at any rate tbe land ought to be made very cheap. He pictured the state of things existing in England, and said in this young country we should raise up a new system, where brains and industry would be the passports to honor, and not mere wealth. In France 28,000,000 of the population of 30,000,000 were small landholders, andvwhat was the result? An almost entire absence of pauperism, and an unparalleled elasticity of resources, as was evidenced by the payment of that immense levy made by the Germans at the end of the war —a war which, instead of crushing France, as was intended, had renovated it, and bound it together much more strongly than ever. Both town and country would be benefitted by a more liberal land law~—the former particu-

larly, because the surplus population of the town would be drawn to the country, and a higher wage ensured for all (Hear, hear.) As to native affairs, he would sweep away the Native Department —(Hear, hear) —beginning with the Native Minister himself. (Applause.) The present system of mystery was altogether unnecessary. As to the Waimate Plains difficulty, it could be Psettled at once by placing on that land a number of sturdy settlers, and telling them to occupy it, promising to stand by them in case of necessity. As to the present system of taxation, it was unfair, because the working man, with his ] Os. a day, often paid more than the capitalist did. The late Colonial Treasurer (Mr. Ballance) a year or so ago endeavored to remedy this inequality but made a great mess of it, because he tinkered with the tariff, reducing slightly the duty on a great many articles, but benefiting nobody. No one except the merchant could say that he had benefited by the reduction of the tea and sugar duty for instance. It was not wise to make reductions on twenty or thirty articles. The whole of the tariff ought not to be disturbed to that extent; but let the Treasurer come down and knock off the duty on one or two articles in large consumption altogether, and the people would feel it. What he should propose would be that the Government in their next Einancial Statement should come down and do away with the tea and sugar duties altogether. (Hear, hear.) Therejwould be some sense in that. (Hear, hear.) He advocated a property and income tax, commencing at £3OO, but not being levied ss heavily on incomes up to £IOOO as upon those above that amount. As to the land tax, it was, in his opinion, a perfect fiasco—a perfect absurdity from beginning to end. It was a mistake in the first place to tax any land in a borough. Laud in the country supported the people, and was fairly taxable, but laud in the towns was a necessity—it was not productive. Money was made in the counting-houses and stores, and sites for building were necessary, and ought not to be taxed. Therefore, he should endeavor to have the land tax swept away, so far as the boroughs were concerned, and in place of that would advocate a progressive land tax. He advocated law reforms in the direction of making litigation cheaper. The Grand Jury system was absurd in the extreme, because the most important duties fell upon the least educated, classes. It was another attempt to set up two distinct classes in this country, and ought to be swept away. Further, it was anomalous that prisoners should be defended only as they happened to be wealthy. If any prisoners were to be defended by counsel, then all should be defended, and the Government should provide counsel to defend all prisoners. Until this was done there would be one law for the rich and another for the poor. He also thought the system of imprisonment on judgment summonses was wrong, because by that system some men were sent to gaol while a man who owed large sums discharged his debts by a fashionable deed of assignment. If elected he would work with any man for the benefit of the city, and there were important questions to come before the House, such as the Te Aro reclamation, to ■further which no one was more competent than himself. As to the Harbor Board question, he should oppose any Harbor Board other than the City Council, and might say he understood the Government had no objection to entrusting the City Council with the powers of a Harbor Board,

In answer to a written question, as to separation, he believed there could be nothing more prejudicial to the interests of the colony. He would not support a Bill to separate Cook Ward from the city. Mr. Rat inquired whether the candidate, if elected, would support a proposal to alter the patent laws, so as to reduce the cost of taking out patents.

Mr. Hutchison said if the fee at present was so high as to prevent the protection of discovery, he would support the alteration. Mr. Bovis inquired if the candidate was in favor of doing away with plural voting in boroughs ? Mr. Hutchison said he was. In England and Scotland, where classes were markedly defined, no such thing was allowed. Mr. Gardner : In the event of your being returned to the House, and a motion similar to that which led to the present dissolution being proposed—a vote of want of confidence in the administration of tbe Government—would you support it or oppose it ? Mr. Hutchison : That depends entirely upon circumstances. I will support any Government that will introduce and endeavor to carry through Liberal measures. No Government and no Premier who does not do that will have my support. Of course, if the present election should result in a majority being returned against the Government, Sir George Grey would not put in an appearance in the next Parliament. It is measures I shall deal with, not men. Mr. Gakdneb : What I wish to direct your attention to is this : Do you think, after what we have seen and heard during the last two years, that Sir George Grey is capable of carrying out a thoroughly liberal policy ? I may add that I am Liberal myself in the true sense of the word. Mr. Hutchison : I don’t think we have come here to discuss the character of Sir Geo. Grey. Ido not believe in an arrierepentce. I have no reserves. But Sir George Grey is a person, and I do not wish to discuss the merits of persons. As long as the Premier carries out Liberal measures I will support him. When he ceases to do that of course I will not support him. . Mr. Gakdneb : I still maintain my question is not properly answered. In the event of a motion being brought forward unfavorable to the personnel of the Government, would you vote for or against that motion ? Mr. Hutchison : It would depend entirely upon who proposed the motion, and the way in which it was proposed. I can give no pledges as to to special votes in any case. I think this ought to be understood, that a member ought not to go into the House pledged to do any special things. It shackles and ties him up in a particular manner, in a way that is improper. We shall see how matters stand when- the House meets. No member of independence would bind himself to any pledge in that way, and any gentleman who asks him to do so does so, not to secure the benefit of the country, but does so from some personal or party motive.

The Chairman : These are very unfair questions to ask. I think Sir George Grey will reform his ways. (A laugh.) He will change in accordance with the opinions of the people after these elections. On the motion of Mr. Moore, seconded by Mr. Marshall, tbe usual vote of confidence in the candidate was carried unanimously.