NEWS BY THE MAIL.
It is by no means certain that the New Year may not witness the development of a Western Question quite as serious in its way, if more limited in the area over which its influences extend, as that Eastern Question towards a solution of which we are gradually struggling. The new German Empire, which was proclaimed just eight years ago at Versailles, has arrived at an exceedingly critical stage in its destinies. So far as purely European affairs are concerned, it is the future of a nominally united Germany which is the problem of the hour. Nihilism and conspiracy are what we may expect in Russia ; in France the Republic may be regarded as definitely established, and has enlisted on its behalf the good wishes of many who were once, on principle, its foes ; in Italy there is a chaos of conflicting parties, and a congeries of mutual distrustful factions, but there is no danger to the stability of the national fabric. Austria is the creature of internal convulsions, which sometimes openly assert themselves, and sometimes are, more or less, successfully suppressed ; but, then, these convulsions are, we feel, the inalienable legacy of a dual constitution, whose aim it is to wield into a common whole two heterogeneous and irreconcilable races. Having adopted an attitude of the most uncompromising repression towards its own subjects, the German Government seems to he on the point of enforcing a policy of unbending protection in its international trade relations. Prince Bismarck has just addressed a letter to tho Imperial Parliament, every sentence of which sounds like the death-knell of freetrade. Having closely examined the financial condition of Germany, and pointed out that the empire is free from any embarrassing engagements with foreign Powers —except the minor States of Belgium and Switzerland—the Chancellor advises the German States to construct a tariff system for themselves on the principle of general protection, or the liability of all imported goods to duty. The effect of this policy, if it is finally carried into execution, will not be limited to Germany, and will render the duties of the champions of freetrade pure and simple more difficult than ever. Bad as is the domestic plight of England at this present Christmas season, there is much ou which we may, in comparison with our Continental neighbors, congratulate ourselves. Unless the European Press is particularly insincere, we have abundant reason to be satisfied with the golden opinions that we have won from the Courts and Cabinets of the Continent. French, German, and especially Italian journalists, agree in saying that the influence of England as a Continental power is once more in the ascendant, while the Opinionc, a Roman print with traditional anti-British tendencies, admits that in the past twelve months England has stood forth as the champion of European liberties and rights. Having, through the utterances of Lord Beaoonsfield, identified ourselves in a special way with the preservation of the Treaty of Berlin, it is pleasant to know that the chances of this treaty are daily improving. If amongst any section of the Italian people there is still a lingering jealousy with England for the occupation of Cyprus, we may at least reflect with gratitude that, according to official accounts, the Cyprus experiment is a decided success. It is more than probable that the severe measures which the Russian Government has adopted with the Nihilists will throw the great majority of those who have any liberal instincts whatever into the arnvi of that powerful organisation. A state i’ l, ! -go such as that now in course of establish;;.at St. Petersburg does indeed enable any one to govern so long as he can rely upon the army and the police ; but let that basis once be shaken, and the whole framework comes down with a single shook. That tho Nihilists have a footing even in the secret police is clear from many circumstances ; that they keep up an active propaganda in the army our readers have heard for years past ; and it is not likely that their leaders would exhibit such boldness as they have shown lately if they were not satisfied with their underground workings, as we believe they have every reason to be. The memorial presented to the Czarewitch by the students of St. Petersburg is both temperate and politic. It is a direct appeal to the heir to the throne to intercede with the Government, of which he must one day be the head, in favor of reasonable liberty in place of tyrany and the most galling oppression. The sure way to convert the natural generosity of youth into a dangerous and narrow fanaticism is to treat every little outburst against a too rigorous discipline as direct rebellion against the State. That Power which our dogmatic Radicals have worshipped as capable of civilising others has now to learn how to civilise and liberalise herself. It will be no easy task; and the attempt at rigid repression can but end in a general overturn. This the Czarewitoh himself is said to understand; and unquestionably the only hope for his dynasty lies in the capacity of one or more of the reigning family to discern the [signs of the times. Meantime it is, perhaps, as well for the “ capitalists of Western Europe” who were so earnestly entreated by M. Greig to come to the rescue of Russian finance, that they postponed advances until the question as to whether the Nihilist or the Third Department is to have the upper hand can be settled. A political crisis and a bankrupt’exchequer do not afford the best security for a foreign loan. If we wish really to know how many possible perils we have escaped, it is to the internal condition of the Russian and German Empires that we should look. In Germany, not a day passes without persona who are suspected of complicity in Socialistic designs receiving peremptory orders to quite the country. There is quite as much industrial and commercial distress in the Fatherland as in Great Britain, for there, as elsewhere, Socialism is but another word for suffering. The amount of irritation and bitter animosity which are thus being generated against the State in Germany constitutes a grave national danger. In Russia matters are not at all better. There, too, the central authority of the State is becoming the object of intense detestation and elaborately organised conspiracy. Private correspondence of the most absolutely trustworthy character informs us that in the war with Turkey Russia lost 100,000 men killed and 150,000 placed by wounds hors de combat. This is felt with increasing severity in a sparsely populated country like the land of the Czar, and the memories and consequences of the struggle are scarcely compensated for by the access of prestige which it may possibly have brought to the Czar’s Government. Nihilism is now rampant, and in their determination to put down Nihilism the Russian authorities are going far to render freedom of speech and opinion impossible. It is, in fact, a state of siege which has now been proclaimed in Russia. Government by such an instrumentality is, as Cavour said, possible to any one, but it is possible only so long as the governors can rely upon the polico-and the army. The time may be coming at which the Government of St. Petersburg will not be able to implicitly trust to either. Even in the most rigid of despotisms the popular will is of some account. The following is the address which the students of St. Petersburg recently endeavored to present to the Czarewitch : —■“ Your Imperial Highness,—The Government believes that the agitation among us is caused by a few evil disposed persons. If your Highness will call to mind the fact that this agitation has been extending for some years, and has met with a response from all the educational establishments of the country, your Highness will scarcely share this opinion. The frequent occurrence of this agitation shows that its sources are to be found in the intolerable position in which the youth of Russia are placed. The students outside the college walls are subject to police supervision, while inside they are constantly more and more deprived of their rights. They have had taken from them their right of meeting to consider their own affoirs, and they have been forbidden to establish a fund for their mutual aid. In case of their attempting anything of this kind they are threatened with persecution in the most odious ferny by the police administration. At each meeting the police have almost threatened our lives. our rights are concerned our dispersion becomes law, but whenever there is a question of burdens to be borne we are looked upon and treated as having a corporate existence. We are being deprived of the independence necessary to adults, and some of us are
treated like children. The increasing obstacles placed in the way of higher education will soon make education the privilege of the rich. These and similar oppressions are the sole cause of the agitation. We know what awaits the students of Charkoff, and the example of the Kieff agitation is rich in our memory. Persons should not he punished when the circumstances in which they are placed are at fault. On the strength of the foregoing we take the liberty of requesting your Imperial Highness’ mediation on behalf of our Charkoff fellow-scholars and your attention to the present condition of the students.”
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New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIV, Issue 5582, 18 February 1879, Page 3
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1,579NEWS BY THE MAIL. New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIV, Issue 5582, 18 February 1879, Page 3
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