The New Zealand Times (PUBLISHED DAILY.) THURSDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1878.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5532, 19 December 1878, Page 2

The New Zealand Times (PUBLISHED DAILY.) THURSDAY, DECEMBER 19, 1878.

For many years after she had received her Constitution Few Zealand was favorably known amongst the colonies for the conservative and generally moderate tone of her politicians and people, and for the entire absence of extreme radical views. Not that there was, or indeed could bo, any dislike of democratic institutions, or a persistent desire to tread in old paths when it could be dearly demonstrated that new ones were better, and that the advantages of change wero not outweighed by the dangers attendant on the process of changing. In this respect the colony followed faithfully in tho footprints of tho old country, where legislation has almost invariably advanced at a slow and cautious pace, whore great sudden changes have been generally deprecated by a large majority of the better informed classes of the community, and where there has been no desire for change for the sake of mere novelty. English statesmen have, as a rule, shown themselves indisposed to move except on good cause being previously shown. Theory with them has occupied a very secondary place, and legislation has for the most part been undertaken to supply wants, or remedy evils, which have been bitterly felt. To use a homely simile, tho shoe has not been altered except when it has been found to pinch the wearer very perceptibly. The changes in the British Constitution have, a 3 a consequence of this conservative mode of thought and action, been very gradual; and, as Lord Macatjlay somewhere remarks, there has never been a time in England's history when great part of her national institutions was not old. It is reasonable to suppose that this dislike to sudden innovation, and this steadfast adhering to existing institutions, until experience has proved them no longer applicable to the requirements of the country, have been a main cause of Great Britain's prosperity, and the position she at present holds amongst the nations of the world. Great, sudden, and ill-considored changes in the national institutions of a peoplo are too often followed by lengthened periods of discontent and misery. From the first so large a share of liberty has been accorded to the inhabitants of this colony that even where change may appear to be necessary, and where no risk will apparently be run by consenting to the innovation, there is no occasion for hurry. We can well afford to be modej rately slow in our national movements, and to discuss proposals anxiously and calmly before committing ourselves irrevocably to large and important changes. Owing to their political position, the colonists of New Zealand should be amongst the least anxious for change of the children of men. They have so much that it is difficult to conceive why they should want more ; and those politicians are no friends of the people who would lead them to favor violent and ill-considered change. There is reason for our remarks at the present juncture. New Zealand has for her Premier one of the most unscrupulous politicians ever entrusted with the reins of government in any British settlement. He is in this respect about on a par with Mr. Graham Berry, of Victoria. It is not necessary to inquire whether he is sincere in the extravagant views he gives expression to ; but it is remarkable that one who, as a Governor, was only too prone to play the autocrat, should, now that ho is a Minister, be continually raving about the wrongs of the peoplo, and endeavoring to persuade them that until he became their champion the main object of those in power was to provide for themselves and their friends. Whether sincerely or not, Sir George has specially addressed himself to the " working men " of New Zealand, and has tried hard to impress on their minds that those above them in the social scale, and especially the wealthy portion of the community, are, as a rule, their enemies. If he has not said this in so many words, it is, we contend, the only lesson to be clearly gathered from his most elaborate oratorical efforts. He has chosen to play the ultra radical in the great political dtama, and lives in the belief that the part will continue to draw immensely. On more than one occasion he has found tho Upper House a stumbling-block in his way. Honorable members have not only failed to applaud, but they have, in a metaphorical sense, hissed when he most desired their favorable verdict. -It is hard to be deserted and opposed by followers in the Lower House, and then to find for his pet measures but little sympathy in the Upper. There are rumors that the Premier intends to follow the lead of his "Victorian iival, and endeavor in tho first place to lessen the power of the Legislative Council, and perhaps afterwards to get rid of it altogether. Tho view whioh the most intelligent portion of the Australian Press has taken of the question, aa it affects Victoria, is equally applicable to the circumstances of New Zealand. If the Upper House is to be allowed to exist it must exist as a power in the Constitution, and not as a mere ornament. If, on the other hand, the people, or a largo majority of the people, come to the conclusion that a second Chamber is useless, it must, as a matter of course, be before long swept away. Tho question, both here and in Victoria, is one for tho decision of tho people. In tho sister colony they are already being brought faco to face with it, J and what the result will be it is impossible as yet to foretell. Notwithstanding all that has been said to the contrary, it is very doubtful whether our neighbors are prepared to do away with their greatest safeguard against hasty and crude legislation. In New Zealand we owo"a~j debt of gratitude to the Upper House for the manner in which they have discharged their functions in time past. They have in innumerable instances stood out as the real friends of constitutional liberty, without laying themselves open to the charge of obstructiveness, and their action during, last session with regard to tho Eloctoralf Bill has met with tho almost universal! approval of the country. They yielded whon thoy could do so with safety ; thoy retiistod firmly whon a monstrous attempt was made to swamp tho European vote in a number of oloptorates by giving to the Maori privileges to which he could in fairness lay no claim. Wo have said that the question of Upper House or no Upper House lias yet to bo answered in Victoria, but tho issue is, we admit, more open to doubt tUoro than in Now Zealand, Vis*.

toria is not, and never has been, by any means so conservative as this colony, and at the same time sho is supplied more plentifully with ultra-radical politicians, all of whom in case of an appeal to the country would throw their weight into the Graham-Beery scale. The issue is therefore doubtful. In Now Zealand we have still great faith in tho conservative principles of tho peoplo as a whole, though for a time they allowed themselves to be ensnared by the speeches of Sir George Grey and others." Any attempt to weaken tho power of the Legislative Council, or to cut short its existence, would in all probability end in the discomfiture of the assailants. We have not, it will bo observed, entered upon a discussion of the various plans which havo been from time to time proposed for lessening the chance of collision betweon the two Houses, or of getting safely over tho difficulty should such collision unfortunately happen. Wo have every confidence in the moderation of a large majority of the public mon of tho colony, and do not therefore look forward toarepitition of the scenes of the Victorian Parliament. Nor do wo think that under any circumstances the present Premier of New Zealand will be called on to undertake such a mission to England as is now engaging the attention of Mr. Graham Berry.