ENGLAND AND RUSSIA.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5517, 2 December 1878, Page 3

ENGLAND AND RUSSIA.

10 THE EDITOR Of THE NEW ZEALAND TIMES. Sib, —Since writing my last letter on the above I have come across an article in an English newspaper —The Carlisle Patriot —on the same subject. With your permission I will give you one or two extracts from it, to show that I am by no means singular in the views I hold on the Eastern Question. The article commences by saying—“ The grave measure of assuming the protectorate of Asiatic Turkey by Great Biitain, and the virtual annexation of Cyprus to the wide dominions of the Queen, afford grounds of hope and satisfaction to almost every class of our fellow-subjects.” It then goes on to enumerate the various classes who directly or indirectly will benefit, and who are prospectively elated at this new field now opened to British enterprise and philanthropy. It then proceeds: “ But there is another class who view the measure with profound interest—a class who are far more numerous than many of us have any idea of. Some time ago, it may be recollected, a gentleman visited Carlisle and other local towns for the purpose of lecturing on the ‘ Identity of the British Race with the Lost Tribes of Israel,’ and of indicating the bearing of events in the East upon the Old Testament prophecies. The theory which the lecturer put forward, and supported with curious learning, took hold of thousands in all parts of the north of England and Scotland. Classes were formed for Us study in various places, in Carlisle among other’s, and it continues to be expounded in a serial literature which we are told has amazing popularity. The recent convention of alliance and defence has naturally given the theory an immense impetus. All that Britain had hitherto done only pointed that way ; but now a step has been taken—bold, definite, and emphatic—which it needs no casuistry to connect with the scheme of restoration these theorists have so seriously maintained. We, whom they identify with ancient Israel, have practically now taken over the early seat of Israel’s race, and the fact that the bounds of our protectorate extend much further than Palestine, so far from rebutting, will be used to strengthen their argument, since Mr. Hine eighteen months ago assured his Carlisle audience, and gave them Scriptural texts for his assurance, that the laud which the children of Israel are appointed to inherit is seventeen times larger in 1 extent than the Palestine they formerly possessed, and will stretch from Egypt to the Euphrates—that is, precisely the region which by the new convention we have undertaken to administer and to protect. No wonder these exponents of prophecy are exultant with a gratification, far exceeding that which inspires journalists and politicians, who rest their claim upon the lower ground of temporal foresight and necessity. When the latter urge, ‘lt is a prudent, sagacious, and courageous measure of pieoaution,' these theorists say, ‘ That may all be, but it has not come to pass simply because it was prudent and sagacious, but because it accords with the long declared and settled purpose of Heaven, and you poor politicians are but puppets in a mightier hand.’ ’’ Now, whether the theory we put forward be true or false, one undoubted fact remains, that is, that we have been enabled in the past to forecast to a certainty the political results of the European complications, whereas journalists and politicians have always been in doubt, and very frequently altogether at fault. There are some statesmen worthy of the name, whose far-reaching vision amounts almost to inspiration, and who appear able of themselves to forecast the future of our nation without the aid this theory supplies. Such a statesman is Lord Beacousfield, and, although this may raise a smile, such a statesman also is Sir Julius Vogel. Personally lam not an admirer of the latter gentleman. I have no reason to like him, rather in fact I have good reason for the contrary, but in my opinion Sir Julius Vogel stands a long way above all others on the roll of New Zealand statesmen. Ho was distinctly not a colonial politician; his instincts and proclivities were essentially Imperial ; the lesser was in his mind always eclipsed by the greater. There was one episode in his career that has been curiously overlooked, but which should stamp him for ever as a truly wise and patriotic statesman. The event I refer to occurred at San Erancisco, on one of his trips to the old country. He gave a lecture there, whether he was invited or whether he invited himself to deliver it X have never been able to ascertain, but the subject ho chose was one that the citizens of tho model republic would hardly, one would think, care to listen to, still less agree with. His subject was the great national advantages and national glory likely to bo attained by a confederation of all the English-speaking peoples. The subject was handled in a masterly manner, and so far from giving offence to tho United States Republicans, they cheered vociferously their appreciation of tho subject of his address and his handling of it. I may say that we of the “identity theory” believe that the United States will at no very distant date be again united to Britain. There is another matter which is vexing much the souls of Colonial and British statesmen, and that is what body shall in future legislate for the Empire as a whole, and how that body shall bo constituted so as to give satisfaction to each and every part of the British dominions V There are some—Liberals they are called—headed by Mr. Gladstone, who think and teach that tho only practical solution of the problem lies in tho dismemberment of the Empire. There are others who instinctively feel that this can never be, but they are at the same time hopelessly befogged when they attempt to devise some scheme of Imperial representation, not too cumbrous, and yot a scheme that must include in its provisions a Parliament composed of representatives from all parts of the Empire. We see no difficulty in this, and] have indeed for a long time foreseen the solution of it, which is this, that tho seat of Government will bo removed from London to the geographical centre of tho Empire—Palestine—and that there tho representatives of the whole Empire will, with tho improved means of transport, easily meet. This, we confidently believe, will come to pass within the next four years. But I may also add, that we believe that when this does take place tho national interests will be so great, and their vastness and responsibilities so apparent to all, that the national wisdom will also bo increased, and tho Imperial representatives will meet for work and not for talk. —I am, &c,, Neutral.