ENGLAND AND RUSSIA.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5504, 16 November 1878, Page 2

ENGLAND AND RUSSIA.

TO THE EDITOU OF THE NEW ZEALAND TIMES. Sir, —You were good enough during the last " silly season" to insert two or three letters from me, giving currency to certain opinions held by a section, and .1 may say an ever lirgely increasing section ot Englishmen, on the political situ itiou of Europe aud the part that Gre:»t Britain is likely to take therein in the immediate future. The present opportunity seems to be a convenient one to reopen the subject, the burning questions that agitate this great natiwn of New Zealand are now gently smouldt-ring, the congregated wisdom and purity of New Zealand has met in Parliament, has deliberated, has legislated for all time, aud. for the countless comiug millions, who are at the present, let us hope, happily blissful of the care we are taking for their future well-being, and has prorogued.—and now there is the reaction that iuvariably follows. There is uothing to disturb th-* calm, but everything to assist it. We have soothing telegraphic reports of supp »se i humorous speeches delivered by the Native Miuister, reports of the reception of the Defence Minister by this great country's citizen army, and last but not leas*; at every place " my nephew " touches on hi < way North, swiftly comes a lightning message telling us of the fact and of the object of his journey, namely, that he is proceeding to ICawau to arrange for the temporary retirement and much-needed repose of Kawau's knight. Just at this opportune moment we are again reminded by the European telegrams that there is a world, p--haps T may be allowed to call it a " greater New Zealand," beyond our shores, aud that the eyes of the whole civilised world are at present centred on Eastern Europe, and are lost, some in wonder, some in terrorstricken amazement, at the political complications there involved, but one and all convinced that the atmosphere can only be cleared by a war, likely to attain a magnitude never yet experienced upon this earth, and one and all utterly at a loss to conceive which power or powers will fiually come victorious out of the fiery ordeal. TJuder these circumstances, and when, according to the telegrams, and according to the generally accepted belief, the Empire to which we have the privilege to belong (I say privilege advisedly, because I am not one of the advanced young New Zealand school who believe that th's colony is ever likely to achieve her independence) is likely to be one of the first to take part in it, it will be at least refreshing to learn that there are some who, taking the Bible as their guide in these matters, are convinced that Great Britain will not take an active part in the coming struggle, and though from time to time circumstances may arise compelling her to extend her boundaries, yet that this will be done peaceably. In my letters to which I have previously alluded, aud which were written during the liusso-Turkish war, I stated that Rngland and Russia would not fight, and that Russia would never Beize Constantinople. At the time I wrote, publie opinion was decidedly against this view, the Press of New Zealand, and also the English Press, were confident that England would take part in the war. Subsequently when the war, or that particular phase of it, was over, those who had been loudest in declaring that England must fight, suddenly wheeled round and brought forward a great number of plausible reason showing that it was quite impossible for her to do so. The English telegrams now are if anything -bill more decided ia their tone than before; aud, again, the New Zealand Press asserts that England must fight, so once more I wish to place on record that those who look to their Bibles for instruction in political matters as well as in social and moral matters are convinced that the time has not yet arrived for Britain and Russia to meet in a death struggle for the world's supremacy, for when, they do meet they will fight for nothing less. It is possible that Britain may again have to show a determined front, she may, in fact she will, stir up the jealousy of the other Powers; it may perhaps appear that nothing short of a miracle can keep her out of the strife, but for all that, according to the literal readiDg of prophecy, she will keep out of it. Can any one look back at the termination of the RussaTurkish war and not be lost in wonder when he tries to find a satisfactory explanation for Russia's non-acceptance of Britain's challenge ? What was the portion ? Russia after a hard and well contested campaign finds herself actually within sight "of what she has long calif d " the door of her house "—Constantinople. For centuries all Russian diplomacy has heen directed towards and centered in obtaining Constantinople. Here they had it almost within their grasp. According to all precedent, having beaten their enemy, they were quite justified in dictating their own terms in that enemy's capital; but just at the critical moment- the British fleet steamed quietly and peaceably up the Dardanelles, auchored off Constantinople, and defied Russia to proceed any further. The Russian forces, flushed with success, drunk, in fact, with victory, and with their long desired gaol within easy reach, find themselves suddenly confronted by a Power that up till then had been looked upon by the Europeans nations as altogether out of the running. Ordinary political intelligence at once discovered that the two Powers must fight, but ordinary political intelligence was astray, and once more tha truth of revealed prophecy was gloriously vindicated.

The London Times, in a leading article on the Berlin Treaty, and commenting on Britain's position during the crisis, says: "It was not all at once that the course of events became clear. To leave Turkey alone and to let her fight out her own quarrels with her revolted subjects seemed at one time at least to be a practicable policy. But it was, not long before the ring was broken through.- First Servia, then Ru-sia, then Roumania, joined in the fray. When this happened the time Boon came when England was no longer to be held back. She has played her part accordingly, and has obtained a victory, bloodless indeed, but more complete than any of the others." The last sentence is remarkable. It asserts that Britain obtained a more complete victory than any of the others, and obtained it without bloodshed. This is surely " peace with honor."

The occupation of Cyprus was also peacefully accomplished ; it would not be unprofitable to analyse the why and the wherefore of that fact. Lord Salisbury, in one of his % speeches, said: "I do not know, gentlemen,-if you observed it, but it struck me with a thrill of congratulation when I saw that in taking possession of Cyprus, not one voice, not one hand was lifted up to oppose that transfer, and the proclamation of Queen Victoria's name was everywhere received with e .thuaiasm, while other nations, perhaps militarily more powerful than ourselves, have to struggle with the deep reluctance of the peoples whom they profess to free." The Constantinople correspondent of the London Standard, writing on the feelings of the Turks there on the subject of Cypruß, says : " The only passion which has been stirred up in the breasts of the people by the transfer of Cyprus to British rule is that of envy. If Britain had annexed all the islands of the Archipelago, and Asia Minor into the bargain, the 'satisfaction of the people would have been complete ; as it is they covet the lot of the happy Cyrpiotes, but bear no ill-will for having made one portion of the Sultan's subjects happier than the rest." There is, I think, plenty of food for serious refiection iu contemplating Great Britain's attitude and present position among the nations, and the extraordiuary success that attends all her political moves, and above all, the fact that she accomplishes in peace what other nations with ostensibly the same aims have to accomplish with the bayonet. It would also, I think, not be unprofitable for us New Zealanders to occasionally turn our eyes away from our noble selves,—to pause, if only for a moment, from our labors in building up this great nation, and'glance at the noble position occupied by our " gre»t mother." The study aud contemplation of it might perhaps cauaa young New Zealand to hesitate before he allows himself to be decoyed into adopting ft Colonial as agaiust an Imperial policy, a policy which in skilful hands would lead us almost without knowing it into an embroglio with the mother country.—l am, &c, NECXBAL,