LORD BEACONSFIELD.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5464, 1 October 1878, Page 3

LORD BEACONSFIELD.

The popular verdict on Beaoonsfield's conduct and on the foreign policy of his Government was not given on special and issues. The enthusiastic crowd which applauded the Plenipotentiaries on their return to England drew no distiction between the Treatv of Berlin and and the still more important Convention with Turkey. Eor once the multitude anticipated and expressed the Judgment of the country that the Prime Minister has at home aud abroad sustained the honor and protected the interests of England. The conclusions of the throngs which filled the streets cannot supersede the supreme authority of Parliament to distinguish among the measures of the Government those which may be considered more or less prudent or justifiable ; but, whatever may be the result of recent transactions, Lord Beaconsfield may set offjhe spontaneous approval of London and of England against the base and scurrilous attacks to which he has in his own person scorned to reply. One libeller has lately undertaken the unworthy task of raking up all Lord Beaconsfield’s alleged errors and political miscarriages from his earliest youth in an elaborately hostile biography. His ancestry has suggested to another bitter enemy the seasonable inquiry whether a Jew can be a citizen? No statesman has in recent times been so shamelessly assailed by envy, hatred, aud malice ; and the par- -‘■-’■--ers and disappointed demagogues had on Tue»,.ay last the opportunity of testing the effect of their calumnies. The English nation has not been false to its convictions, or inconsistent with its later sentiments. Discontent with the foreign policy of the late Government had a share in producing the reaction of 1874 ; and Lord Beaconsfield’s actual popularity is founded on the belief that he has trusted in the power of his country to maintain its dignity and rights. Even his bitterest enemies cannot dispute his originality and resource. While timid politicians were apprehending with gloomy [foreboding the possible invasion and and conquest of India, Lord Beaconsfield resolved on using the Indian army to aid in maintaining the balance of power in Europe ; and the eifect of the measure on friends and enemies surpassed expectation. To Lord Beaconafield and Lord Salisbury are due the submission of Russia to the authority of the Powers assembled in Congress, and the large modification of the Treaty of San Stefano. Turkey has, in Lord Salisbury’s phrase, one more chance of recovering ; and, in default of improvement, the territories of the Sultan are no longer left at the mercy of Russia. A confident judgment on the Convention between England and Turkey would still be premature. Only since his return from Berlin has Lord Beaconsfield had the opportunity of explaining his motives for undertaking an onerous engagement. Probably by arrangement, Lord Salisbury confined himself almost wholly in his despatch to a vindication of the conduct of the Plenipotentiaries in the Congress. They. deliberately withheld their convention with Turkey from the formal cognizance of their foreign colleagues, although its terms must have been generally known for some time past, and although the treaty aud the correspondence were intentionally published before the Congress separated. The fear that the announcement would either provoke objection on the part of Russia or raise impediments to the final signature of the general treaty proved to be altogether unfounded. A positive statement that the French and Italian Plenipotentiaries had been persuaded by Prince Gortchokoff to abstain from making an intended protest has .been officially contradicted. Those French papers which at first most strongly disapproved of the English occupation of Cyprus have already moderated their tone. Many years ago the acquisition of tho Isle of Perim, in the Red Sea, produced a similar feeling of irritation, which has been long forgotten. French politicians will be satisfied, on reflection, that Cyprus is not intended to be a post which would facilitate an increase of English power in Egypt. Nevertheless a certain feeling of jealousy or dissatisfaction may remain ; and the possible interruption of friendly feelings between England and France would be a grave misfortune. The popular agitation in Italy must be allowed to wear itself out. The Government has wisely determined not to prohibit the meetings which have been summoned to protest against the results of the Congress. The leaders of the movement have not made up their minds whether the acquisitions of England or of Austria are more offensive to a country which has obtained no increase of territory. The titular sovereignty of the King of Italy in Cyprus is as consistent with English possession as with Ottomansovereignty, The Convention, though it is not less explicit than other documents of the same kind, necessarily leaves in obscurity the limits of English intervention in the affairs of Asiatic Turkey, and the extent of the liability which has been assumed. There will be little opposition to the acquisition of Cyprus, except perhaps on the ground that it may be disagreeable to certain foreign Powers. The want of a harbor probably admits of an artificial remedy, if the island becomes either a strong military position or a place of commercial "importance. The introduction of internal reforms into the administration of Turkey provinces ought to be acceptable to the most prominent assailants of the Government ; but if the only security for improvement consists in Turkish promises, the incredulity which lately vented itself in a contemptuous laugh will fiud more articulate expression. A significant passage in Lord Salisbury’s despatch to Sir Austin Layard probably indicates a purpose of interference in the selection of governors and other high officers. Insecurity of tenure has been one of the greatest faults of Turkish administration. Governors appointed with tho approval of the English Government for definite terms will be superior to ordinary Pashas, aud they will be likely to deter to the wishes aud advice of the protecting power. It has been too hastily taken for granted that Asia Minor will be governed, like India, by English functionaries. There is no doubt that such a system would confer incalcuable benefits on the people ; but there is no reason to suppose that the Turkish Government would assent to a change which would convert the Empire into a mere dependency of England. Excessive pressure might at any time drive the Court of Constantinople into the arms of Russia. The amount of English influence cannot be determined beforehand, and it may probably increase with time aud experience. The Turks already understand that the only advantages which England proposes to derive from the Convention are inseparable from thenown prosperity. At the same time, a price may fairly be exacted for the one-sided covenant to protect Asiatic Turkey against Russian agression. No Convention was necessary to enable England to make war on Russia if such a measure were at any time expedient, In giving Turkey a right to call on England for assistance, Lord Beaconsfield and Lord Salisbury have established a corresponding claim on the goodwill of the Sultan. He will only be asked to do what is indispensable to the welfare of his people and the safety of his Government; but, in the event of refusal to perform the promises, which are an essential part of the contract, Turkey will not be allowed to persist in perverse conduct without remonstrance, which may not always be confined to words.

Lord Beaconsfield’s statement in the House of Lords, aud the subsequent debate, add little to the explanation of tho treaty in Lord Salisbury’s despatch. The Ministers, have probably no detailed plana for tho improvement of provincial administration in Asiatic Turkey ; and Lord Beaconsfield was more anxious to remove the suspicious of France than to convince tho House of Lords of the necessity of the measure. Lord Granville enumerated with practised facility the obvious objections to tho Convention ; but as Lord Salisbury happily said, Lord Grapvillo is always ready with reasons for doing nothing. Lord Derby, onco more, with strange moral obtnseness, defended his own personal conduct by disclosing a supposed Cabinet secret, which ought, if the fact had corresponded with Lord Derby’s recollection, to have been sorupulously preserved. Unimaginative persons, who might ho thought exempt from hallucination, sometimes lapse into grave indiscretion through their inability to apprehend the nature and consequences of their actions. The Opposition was not unanimous. Lord Northbrook expressed strong approval of the despatch of native Indian troops to Europe, and Lord Napier and Ettrick thought that the conduct of tho Government had been in all respects prudent and successful. —Saturday llcvicw.