PARTY GOVERNMENT.
TO THE EDITOR 01' THE NEW ZEALAND TEUE3. Sib,—l- endeavor to’ redeem the promise made in -my last communication on the subject of party government, by attempt- ' mg to show that party, government is out :of ’hamdhy with the prevailing instincts of society in this colony. That I may the more clearly illustrate and sustain this view, it will be necessa'ry-'tb' take’-'a'ghince ’at society as it presents itself to us in everyday life. In the everyday life of the people we see that all 4 are'ih'sdm© ■ way or ■ other, with 'a greater or of, earnestness and energy, alike struggling ‘ to better their condition and advance their., fortunes;'and'in this'race we perceive a continual jostle and almost daily change in the relative position of persons. Hehee'it'often happens that the rich man of today was the poor man of- but yesterday, while he is in considerable danger of again becoming the poor man of to-morrow. By the same rule of rapid change the poor ’man of to-day struggles and hopes t ere long to improve bis position. This .general, fickleness of fortune preVehtsthe" possibility of ’drawing anything approaching hard and fast, broad and distinct, or well-defined class lines, or making any marked- class distinctions. In this respect, ■i society with ns, when'compared with society in’ aristocratic countries, is homogenous. Jack looks upon and feels himaelf as good as his master; he feels himself under no obligation to his em;tployer;;; because the wages he' receives is, according to contract, entered into on equal terms—he, on his'part, to supply so much labor for a certain .monetary consideration, — • ; abcf' while He willingly submits to his employer's authority during labor., or business hours, 1 he’fecoghises no authority on the part of his employer outside, or after labor or business hours, but claims to and does meet him among society on equal terms as one of; its members. This feeling of equality—this assertion of individuality—with its concomitant independence of thought and action, does most obviously and certainly permeate New Zealand society. Nor is it wonderful or uu- ' ‘natural that such a state of things with us .wahonld, exist; because each total feels that, ' although at the bottom of the ladder to-day, r tho tide of fortune-may ere long turn, and lift .« him- into greatly improved circumstances and ■*' a far more agreeable position. Hence for him • to sacrifice his independence’of judgment_or action, or in- anyway to commit the keeping : r of-'-his conscience to another, is about the last tiling, next to committing, suicide, he would ’ 'think of doing., Tet party government, if it ■ means anything, means that the many are to ■n confide their judgments and the keeping of .their consciences to the custody and guidance of one, or the few, as the case may be, who are li the constituted leaders. Such a surrender of the - judgment and conscience, which is a necessary , element, in party, government, finds, as we " cannot fail to see, no response from, nor bears • shy analogy to, the general character and conduct of. society -at i large. • < It is, indeed, not only but of harmony with the general tone of society; bat it is in the most direct opposition j to”the often fierce personal struggle, and -that hold'independence and daring self-reliance .‘ which so strongly characterize the manhood : ’bl this country—a characteristic, upon which the gods may well look .with pleasure and approval. I iYet .party government means that the representatives of snob 'a people, on entering .’within the precincts of the senate chamber, .luif lhpt,,before, are to decide. to whom,: or to which party—the ins or tho outs—they will, at Tpast . during the transaction of all public ( business, commit; their judgments, their ccmV. ■ > sciences, and their independence. And this is ■ what many of our representatives do, and in,.deed -muoh .mote. -' What did we see last session in the division on the’ colonialisatioh of • the land fubd ? Members who, judging flora the energy, and,’ even violence of ..their utterances.,ih defence of the localization -ibf .the Land Ennd, one might not have felt much surprised at seeing walk knee-deep -in,! blood : across the floor , of i the House in defence of .that which they so posiclaimed as the inalienable rights, of their ,constituents. ..But.what was the surprise ;,wihen,-the-, party, trumpet sounded. They might then be seen following their loader into the lobby with all the apparent innocence bf : .Jamba going: to the slaughter, and many of ►them looked just as sheepish when they sacri- ’ fleed dn the altar'of party, what but a few -days, previously they had stoutly maintained to be. the inalienable property of their constituents. I approve the act, but strongly coni demn.the actors.in allowing.party ties to sway i thorn; from'the discharge of a conscientious duty to their constituents. ' 1 Party government is hot only' opposed to the genius of bur society, but contrary to the spirit , of our Constitution. One of tho main elements in constitutional government—as far ,-** I understand, it—is that all questions coming before the Legislature shall be decided by - the conscientious vote of a clear majority of those whose duty it is to deal with it, which is not the general fact under paity, government. •As, for instance, supposing we divide our Parliament into two equal'parties,'leaving a few iWjlo .declise, giving . their allegiance to either party,-as a party, .which we; may fairly assume to bo about tho normal state of things with party governments,—it then follows that the- success or defeat of either of tho great parties tmust. depend on which : secures ’ tho largest number of the independent members. So. that ifis the MiddifoParty, or the.few independent, members, who dictate and direct tho legislation ‘’of the country. This would 1 38 :and .'proper enough, provided all vofddjCposciontiouely- ; but is this at all likely to bo the case under party government ? Is it not-more- than probable’ that ■;in ; each close division the number of members who will vpto on > partyjgrounds, contrary to, their judgments
and consciences, will be far m excess. of tbe majority of votes recorded for or, th ® question, as the case may be ? bo that a measure or question may bo earned by a majority’of votes, while it .would have been lost bv a far greater majority had the question boon dealt with on its merits, and votes conscientiously given. To put the case yet iqoro plainly. I will suppose some important measure before tlm House, on which the Ministry stake their existence. A majority of the independent members- join the Government ranks ; the question’ or measure is carried by » small majority, at the same tune there being a number of members in tlio Government ranks, far iu excess of the majority of votes, who in their hearts and consciences did not approve of the measure,, yet from party ties were bound to support Ministers. This measure becomes law contrary to the spirit of the Constitution, because had there been a conscientious vote given it would have been lost; and byreversingthis illustration .we. may see .how a most useful and necessary measure may bo defeated, while-there, may, be a clear and more decided'.: majority who believe in their hearts; and • consciences in- its, utility, and even-necessity, in the interest ■of : the r public < good, Such party rule, requiring the; abnegation’ of the independent judgment and conscientious action of so large a number of our representatives, is not only out of harmony with the genius and everyday conduct of the constituents, and contrary to' the spirit of ■ the Consti-. tution, hut is obstructive to the development of the .fittest and .the best, and .is onoof the chief causes of tho, many anomalies and mcon-' gruities which’ disfigure our Statute Book. ‘lt is questionable if the ride of the'fittest and the best was ever more fully reached in any poll- ■ Heal community than at that-period of the Roman Commonwealth, about 200 years before the Christian era, ■ when the; eider distinctions of patrician and plebeian had passed away,'and before the later distinction's of’ rich and poor; had begun -prominently-to show' themselves.' The ’great idea then- was, tho State—-tho city—the Commonwealth—the. great whole; in and for which each ’of its members lived and worked, and fought and died. If ever 1 the poet’s ideal picture has been reached on earth, that was the time — ‘ . ■ ; ■ : When hone was for a party, When all were for the State, When tho rich man helped tho poor. And the poor man loved the great. . To cadi of New Zealand’s citizens and. statesmen I will conclude by saying, “Go thou and do likewise.”—lam, &c., .t : . : ~ - Q- ;•
Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi
https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZTIM18780507.2.21
Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka
New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5338, 7 May 1878, Page 3
Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,422PARTY GOVERNMENT. New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5338, 7 May 1878, Page 3
Using this item
Te whakamahi i tēnei tūemi
No known copyright (New Zealand)
To the best of the National Library of New Zealand’s knowledge, under New Zealand law, there is no copyright in this item in New Zealand.
You can copy this item, share it, and post it on a blog or website. It can be modified, remixed and built upon. It can be used commercially. If reproducing this item, it is helpful to include the source.
For further information please refer to the Copyright guide.