THE SAN FRANCISCO MAIL.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5273, 16 February 1878, Page 1 (Supplement)

THE SAN FRANCISCO MAIL.

(fkom oca own coaßESi'oxnsxT.) Auckland, Thursday.

[The following kilogram was received l>y us on Thursday night, but in cunflequoiico of pressure tin our space was unavoidably held over until to-day.] London, January 17.

Parliament opened to-day. The Queen's) sjsoeeh states that she had summoned Parliament before the usual time of

meeting, in order that it might become acquainted with the efforts she has made to terminate t’ne war. The llussiau success has convinced the Porto that it should endeavor

to bring hostilities to a close. The Sudan s Government accordingly addressed to the neutral Powers and parties to treaties relating to Turkey an appeal for then good offices. Tile majority of the Powers decided that they could not comply with the request, and so notified the Porte.. The Porte thou appealed to her Majesty’s Government. She at once inquired of tire Czar if ho would entertain peace overtures. The Czar in reply expressed a desire for peace, and stated his opinion as to the course which should be pursued to obtain it. Upon this subject coinmu ideations had taken place between Iviissia and Turkey, through her good offices. She trusts they will lead to the termination of war. So long as her conditions arc not infringed her attitude will continue the same; but should hostilities be prolonged, some unexpected occurrence may render it necessary to adopt measures of precaution. She trusted to the liberality of Parliament to supply the means which may be required for the purpose. Her Majesty compliments the country on the local national efforts which have been made to relieve the Bufferings of the Indian population, and expresses a hope that measures will be taken to avert such calamities in the future. The condition of native affairs in South Africa lias of late caused me, says the Queen, some anxiety, and has demanded the watchful attention of my Government. I have thought it expedient to reinforce my troops at that part of my empire. I trust peace and a satisfactory settlement of all differences may be shortly obtained. Gentlemen of the ITou.se of Commons, — I have directed the Estimates of the year to be prepared and presented to you without delay. My Lords and Gentlemen, —A Pill will he laid before you upon the subject of the state of the country, and your attention will again be called to the consideration of the factory law, and to the summary jurisdiction of magistrates. You will be asked to take into your consideration a Bill on the subject of the cattle disease iu this country. Your attention will be invited to the subject of general education in Ireland. A Bill will be laid before you to simplify and express in one Act the whole law and procedure relating to indictable offences. I commend these subjects to your most careful consideration, and pray that the blessing of the Almignty may attend and guide your deliberations. In the debate on the address in the House of Lords, Earl Granville said the utterances of Lord Beaconsfield during the recc'd had been couched iu the tones of a belligerent neutrality, and had differed from the sentiments expressed by his colleagues. He said if the assurance given by Prussia in regard to British interests were unsatisfactory, Parliament should have been called together immediately ; if they were satisfactory the only effect of summoning Parliament now was the cause of a feeling of insecurity.

Lord Beaconsfield said the summons to the Parliament was issued when tnere first appeared an opportunity for the inauguration of peace negotiations. The Porte’s appeal to England to intimato her readiness to open peace negotiations was in a measure at the instance of the British Government, although at the same time it was spontaneously adopted by the Porte. Lord Beaconsfield repudiated the newspaper statements the Government policy, and strongly repudiated the accusation of divisions in the Cabinet when the Government after mature deliberation had decided upon a policy of neutrality. They were not influenced hy considerations in regard to the value of Kars and Batoum, but had to consider the policy and conditions of many other countries. The Government never varied from the decision they had at first arrived at. He iedared he had written no letters on public affairs during the recess. He had, with his colleagues’ approval, declared the Government’s policy to be one of conditional neutrality. Lord Derby’s felicitous statement that the greatest British interest is peace was a rhetorical expression ; but Lord Granville seemed to take it as a statement of fact. He did not think the Government, by defining British infc-rcsfc, justified the imputation of selfishness, as ail countries frankly declared they were actuated by the same motives. He did not admit that the Government's having summoned Parliament imposed upon them the duty of immediately explaining the apprehensions which caused them to do so. Negotiations had been brought about which might or might not be successful. The Government considered there were British interests which must not be endangered. If the contest goes on, if Parliament approves of the policy of conditional neutrality and the guarding of those interests, the least it could do was to _ give the Government the means of guarding them. Lord Beaconsfield pointed to the opening of the present negotiation as a proof that England was not isolated or uninflaentird. There was another kind of isolation besides that arising from decay. At the beginning of the century England alone asserted her national independence; and if the same cause was again at stake or if any power again threatened the world with predominance fatal to national liberty, ho felt confident that the House would not fear a charge of being isolated if it stood alone in maintaining such cause, and fighting for British interests. He concluded as follows:—“If, in the negotiations, British influence is increased (as God grant it may) I express that the sentiments of the Government are in the interests of humanity, and for securing an enduring peace. But if we are called upon to defend the rights and interests of England—if our present hopes and prospects of peace are unrealised—if there are circumstances that demand that we should appeal again and again to Parliament for the meansof vindicating our honor and maintaining the interests of our country-1 am certain Government will neverfailto take that course. (Loud cheers). The Duke of Argylo said Lord Beaconsfield s speech was brilliant but evasive. It was a significant fact that it made no mention of the independence and integrity of the Ottoman Empire. In the House of Commons, in the dehate on the address in reply to the Queen's speech, the Marquis of Hartington repeated his accusation that Government wilfully assumed a position of isolation, and it was not clear whether the Government’s appeal to the liberality of Parliament was immediate or contingent with a view to the further prosecution of the war. There were grave objections to such a The speech was bo vague it scorned either as if Government knew what the unexpected occurrences they mentioned were, and wished to bring them on, or were tempting tho Turks to further resistance. Sir Stafford Northcoto complained of the Opposition’s persistent misrepresentation o£ the Government policy in alleging that Government had a fixed determination to go to war on behalf of Turkey. As regarded their alleged isolation, England was in the same position as other neutral Powers, and would speak out when it was deemed necessary. Government did not know what the Russian proposals for peace would be. They had at present no proposal to make themselves. If the Russian proposals in any way affected tho arrangements between the European Powers thev must receive the assent of these Powers The position of the Government was one of considerable delicacy and anxiety. Ihoy had no proposals to make at present, but t.iougbt it ri'dit to say it might become their duty to put themselves in a position to take tho_ necessary precautions. They were as anxious as an /one to avoid the horrors of war, and stop the present conflict; but at tho same time they believed now it was time when, by proper

action, they could prevent further embroilment. The Government had no secret intentions, but could not hope for success unless they had supporters from Parliament. Mr. Gladstone asked if he rightly understood that Government had no proposals to make iu regard to a grant until they knew the

llnssiaa conditions? Sir S. Northcoto replied affirmatively’. He did not wish to enter into the exact circumstances under which the interests defined are threatening, but lie knew the waves of war would approach closely the localities indicated. Ho concluded :—“ If you will not trust Government, provide yourself with a Government that you will trust. If you trust Government, provide it with proper means of carrying out your confidence.” The address was then agreed to. The Times, in a leading editorial, flays : “ Nothing more satisfactory to the country with respect to the immediate course of public affairs could well have occurred than the declarations of yesterday, made in the Queen s speech, as well as by the Ministerial leaders in the two Houses of Parliament. The_ alarms recently raised respecting the possibility of a warlike policy being adopted by Government may now bo finally dismissed.” The 'Times, commenting on the documents contained iu the Blue-book, says ; “In Lore Bcrby’a despatches we cannot find a trace of apprehension such as alone could have justified the late outbreak of war feeling in certain quarters. It is now abundantly clear that the feeling was confined to a small though noisy minority, but it will be a satisfaction and rebel to the whole country to know that it found no echo in the Ministerial utterances oi tlie Government. A Blue - book is published, giving documents relating to English mediation, and these documents show that the delay in transmitting armistice conditions from St. Petersburg arose from there being sent by messenger, instead of by telegraph. Lord Derby, upon being informed of this on tho 11th inst., wrote to Lord Loftus, the British Minister ah St. Petersburg,_ “ That her ■Majesty’s Government thinks it is to be regretted that when Gortchakoff informed you that instructions had been sent to the Hnsaian commanders, be did not expect the delay that would be caused by such means of transmission.” A movement is imminent on the part of Germany to obtain the seaboard under conditions which would seriously affect England. This consideration is having great influence in the Cabinet on the side of those who advocate that England is reserving her strength. Some deeply important information has just been received, leading to tho conviction that warlike policy on the part of England would be the forerunner of more serious complications near home.

The Agence Jtussc, in an article on the present situation, states that the Russians at the commencement of the war received England’s specifications of her interest in a friendly spirit, and has respected them according to promise. The route in Asia via the Suez Canal is still unthreatened, as it is England’s exclusive domain. Russia still maintains that Constantinople ought not to belong under any circumstances to any great Power. The Agence points out that Russia has protected tho interests of the frontier States so well that Austria has resisted direct appeals to her for action both from home and abroad, and Russia will continue to protect those interests, Hhe Agence, after stating that every victorious belligerent lias a right to a war indemnity, concludes as follows: — “ Russia, in accordance with usage and with equity, has a right to conclude peace directly with Turkey; while at the same time protecting the interests of foreign States and other Powers, particularly of England. Any preliminary convention which might bo entered upon might bo submitted to a congress. Russia does not believe in any line of policy which will make intervention in the existing war necessary, and is decidedly opposed to assisting Turkey. If England is once entangled she cannot extricate herself. The present Ministry will be certain to go in case war is declared, and Lord Beaconsfield will be as unfortunate as Lard Aberdeen was in venturing into the Crimean war. ” The House of Commons will not dare to refuse the vote for war appropriations if they are now called for as everything seems to indicate thev will he.

Russian influence iu affairs in Europe has risen, and English influence has declined. The substitution of Greek interests for those of Turkey would become popular in England if it were a practical scheme.