SIR GEORGE GREY'S SPEECH.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5272, 15 February 1878, Page 2

SIR GEORGE GREY'S SPEECH.

MEETING OP ELECTORS AT THE ARCADE. In response to a numerously signed requisition, Sir George Grey delivered a public speech in the Arcade, Manners-street, last night. The Mayor occupied the chair, and there were several well-known citizens on the platform. The large building was well filled, and the utmost good order prevailed throughout the proceedings. The Premier was listened to attentively, and was frequently and loudly applauded ; Sir George Gkey, who was received with loud cheering, said: Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen, —At length one of the longings of many years is about to be gratified. X have long yearned to speak to the people of Wellington face to face, to explain the grounds of my conduct, to try to convince them that what I was doing was for their good; but as you are all aware the position I formerly occupied prevented my attempting any explanation of the sort. It was impossible for me when Governor of this country to explain to the public the motives of my actions, it was impossible for me to try to win them by personal, addresses to aid me in those things which I was carrying out in the hope of promoting theirwelfare and benefit. I say it iu no spirit of complaint, for no man was ever more generously dealt with than I was by the public of Wellington as a mass. On no single occasion did I quit this place for any period of time but affectionate addresses were presented to me from all classes. I especially recollect that upon one occasion, when party feeling ran very strong against me, the working men of Wellington presented me with one of the most valued testimonials which I have ever received in my life—(cheers) —a medal executed iu the city oi Wellington, made of gold obtained by themselves at the diggings which had just been discovered in Australia ; and every effort on their part was mads to convince me that I bad their affection and esteem. Nevertheless it was a dreary task to have for long years to carry measures out which were always at first imperfectly understood, measures which in almost every instance interfered with the interests of some particular class, and which I knew could only be duly appreciated after the lapse of many years, so that my life was really one of waiting—waiting to see the result of that which I had endeavored to do, waiting iu the hope that the things I had carried out were for the public good. (Cheers.) [Here the noise caused by people entering the hall was so great that Sir George Grey had to stop speaking, and efforts were made to prevent walking to and fro. After a short pause he continued.] I am doing my best to make myself heard, but the noise of walking at the end of the room necessitates a great strain upon my voice, and almost prevents me from speaking. Tryiug still to make myself heard, I would say that now, this night, a change has come over what hitherto has impeded my efforts for the public good, ■ that is, my being able to address those for whose welfare it was my duty to strive to provide. You can therefore imagine that it is with great joy I to-night find myself in your presence, and find myself able to attempt by reasoning and by argument to convince you that that which was contemplated to be carried into effect was really based upon sound reasoning as likely to promote the public welfare to a very large and lasting extent. (Loud cheering.) Let me first for one moment glance at Wellington as I originally knew it. It is right, perhaps, that I should do that to put myself, as I believe, in a just position in the eyes of the population of this city, after the remarks which in many places have been made. When first I visited the town of Wellington it was really a small village. There was no means whatever of access to the exterior country, and the laud owned lawfully by the inhabitants of Wellington was excessively limited in extent; that is to say, the purchases originally claimed to have been made were disallowed by a commissioner, who was directed to inquire into the validity of those transactions. Upon me, therefore, devolved, in the first instance, the extremely difficult duty of repurchasing from the natives a tract of land sufficient for the European population to locate themselves. upon. When I had done that, and I only achieved it after very great difficulty, other tribes of natives came down from the interior of the island, who really had no claim to land in the . vicinity of this city, but set up claims iu the hope of obtaining payment from strangers—men of a race with whom they were entirely unacquainted. Out of this sprang contests in'the very neighborhood of this town—contests in the Hutt Valley,—so that where now you see peaceful farms and homesteads there was then hardly a spat on which fighting had not taken place. Those disturbances were all brought to a fortunate close ; the settlers were put in

possession of their land; but even then access to the exterior country was wholly impossible. The next thing, therefore, considering that Wellington lies, as it were, in the fork of two spurs thrown off from the great mountain range, was to take care that lines of communication were made across both these spurs, and that the whole interior country of this part of New Zealand was laid open to the industry of the settlers, and that a chance was afforded them of placing themselves and their families in a position of comfort greater than they could possibly have attained if they had been shut up in the narrow valley of the Hutt. ihen great roads were made, and I think that anyone who has traversed the road leading to the West Coast, or has traversed the road leading up the Hutt Valley and the road over the mountain range into the Wairarapa, anyone ■who has travelled over those roads and conuiders that the road in the direction of Pormia was made by troops with arms in their hands, assisted by natives, and that they could uevei wander more than a few yards from their muskets—then we had no rifles—will wonder that such a road could have been pushed on through Porirua, through the Horokiwi Valley, over the mountain range, and then down to Paikakariki. Upon the other side of the district, it being impossible to find troops sufficient to detach in- that, direction, roads were formed entirely hy natives, brought even from so great a distance as Rotorua, —in fact, the road over the Rimutaka Range was principally made by the Arawa tribe, and these works were thus accomplished under circumstances and difficulties which none of those who now hear me, except those who were at the time living on the spot, can possibly comprehend. (Applause.) There are old men here, and I suppose some middle-aged men, who must have known it in their youth, who can testify that my life was at that time oue of continued toil and continued anxiety for the welfare of this place. I only ask is it possible that a_ man _ who spent so many years in the prime of life in laboring to render this place that which it has become, could now turn against it as its enemy; yet this has been represented as the case with me. (Cries of “ No,” and cheers.) I say that such a thing is absolutely impossible. Let me here further state this, that it was to me for years a wonder why any j-alousy should exist between this part of New Zealand and the North, and I longed to find out how and in what manner their destiny was really united. The first time at which I seemed really to understand the subject, and the first place, were, I may say, remarkable. The place was one at which, perhaps, you would all least expect that such a thought should come to me. It was at the foot of the great' mountain of Ruapehu, in the centre of the island. There X stood, and hut a very short distance apart I saw, as I went up the spur of the mountain, two rills issuing out of it, one upon my right hand and one upon my left, and I knew that one of those rills rolled into the great Waikato River and flowed out to the coast close to Auckland. X knew that the other rill swelled into the Wangaehu, and came out on the coast in the vicinity of Wanganui ; and I also knew that from the other aide of Ituapehu the Wanganui River itself came down. Looking at this, and thinking that the rains and mists which fell on this great mountain flowed to the north and south of this island, it seemed to me inconceivable that jealousy could exist between two places mutually "blessed by one _ mountain ranf'e and by oue great source of their streams, (Cheers.) Then I knew and felt for the first time that Auckland, the queen of commerce of the north part of the Pacific Ocean, would be the depot for the products of those fertile islands, and that in exchange would be supplied articles grown in a temperate climate. I recognised in Wellington a great centre of commerce, having lines of interior communication bringing down produce from the whole of the YYest Coast, and from the whole of the interior, as far as Hawke’s Bay, and I saw she held the key of the commerce of the North and South Islands—(loud cheering);— that vessels v/ith produce from the East Coast of the Middle 'lsland must pass by Wellington as they went up to Auckland, there to distribute their cargoes in exchange for the commodities of the islands of the Pacific. I knew, in point of fact, that this was the key to the commerce of the whole of New Zealand—the central point at which commodities must be collected, and I saw that the welfare of Auckland, and the commerce of Auckland and its trade with the Pacific Islands, formed the one thing that could bless you here more than any other, and that which you could produce here would be the means of giving Auckland trade without which she should not exist. Why, therefore, I thought tomyaelfshouldjealousyexiat between two places mutually dependant one upon the other, and calculated hereafter to become the most important commercial points in the new world which is arising, and which, I believe, will eclipse the old. Why, then, should any jealousy exist, why should not both places aid me in the efforts I am making to secure the common weal of each I Wellington need fear no rival, but ought to feel that the commerce of each part of New Zealand contributes to the welfare of the whole. It is impossible to believe that any man in whose hands the destinies of New Zealand rest would dare to attempt to treat any part of this island, especially its commercial centre, with injustice or with unfairness. Therefore, I say, give myself and the present Government your confidence in that respect. Let no whispers, let no unfair insinuations lead you to the belief that one whose good name hereafter and whose peace of mind rest upon the general welfare of New Zealand could be so deluded as to fancy that he could injure her in one part without injuring every man, woman, and child in the colony. (Cheers.) In looking to the future, let us look a little to the past. Let us ask what we are all here for, or what we all ought to be here for. I will take myself. Why am I here in New Zealand ’ I will tell you. I am iu New Zealand, and I came to New Zealand, because I believed there was oppression and wrong in the old country. I believed that classes—large claves—there were pressed down, with but little hope of rising, and I thou-lit that in a new land, where new homes could be made—where classes did not exist as at Home—where no old bonds were to be broken—it was possible to create a country, and -to call into existence a nation, iu which greater happiness, greater equality of wealth, and greater fairness in the distribution of the world’s goods might enable men to live iu greater contentment, and to bring up their families with more hope for the future than they could possibly have done in the old country. The youth of the present generation know little of what oppression was in past times. The first thing that brought this to my own mind was an incident which I will relate to you. In my youth I was fortunate enough to possess what was then called interest, and the result was that, being in the army, I got my promotion very young. At the age of 20 or 21 I was quartered in the town of Limerick, and there I found myself suddenly placed iu command of a party of military of really considerable force, a very unusual force for so youog a man to command, consisting as it did of cavalry, artillery, and infantry. The glorious service upon which we were employed was this : Ireland was then divided into two religious communities. Oue had the power of levying all the tithes, and the other religious community got nothing for the support of their own Church. Out of their own means they found funds required for the support of their own clergy, to support their Church, and partially to educate their children, —the education was in those days bad from the want of means, —and they believed that then they bad done their duty. Being unwilling to contribute from their poverty—l may say from their misery and wretchedness—to the support of a Church the tithes of which they did not participate in, they would not pay their tithes ; and how were those tithes raised ? Men were sent out; —l, with an armed force, went out in the name of our Maker, in the name of Christianity, to compel those unwilling men, who had contributed to their own religion, out of their poverty and wretchedness to find funds to support a religion they did not approve of. (Sensation.) I recollect as we moved along the cries which were hurled at us. I recollect the fugitive population driven away with little or nothing, while wo returned loaded with curses, and the

population reported us as oppressors. My heart was heavy, and the duty I had to perform made me resolve, if I could, to find homes where my countrymen might go, where no such laws could prevail—(applause) ; aud from that moment I devoted myself to that object, and from it I have never swerved to the present day. A belief occupied my mind, which I wish to impress upon you. I saw that iu the old country millions had been raised iu ignorance, in poverty, and, I may say, many of them in crime. Great reforms aud changes were necessary, and I thought that we, iu a new country, might show that each man should fairly contribute to the revenue, and show that the lower orders, from whom great statesmen had arisen, should not be looked down upon. I thought this would react upon England, and that what we did would force on reforms at Home silently, aud by slow degrees, aud that measures would be adopted which would not only benefit ourselves but procure inestimable advantages for those we left behind us. (Applause.) Now let me pause for a moment and look at the world as it is. Some of you may say to me, those days have in a great measure and degree passed; but I tell you they have not passed, and by recent reports, which you can find on searching for yourself, made to the Privy Council, the position of the agricultural population in England is shown to be worse now than it has been for the last three centuries. That is a truth you should lay to heart, and try and help those you have left b hind you. There is a party rising iu England, holding certain views, and helping to carry out certain views which would be fatal to the good cf this country. They maintain, whether you like it op not, that you are to be taxed bv Great Britain for the support of her fleet," and she is to determine how much you are to pay. Such a demand ought not to be made upon us, and ought to be resisted ; aud you can only resist such demands successfully by the popular will of the nation. With regard to paying for the British navy, I believe that it Great Britain was in difficulties—if Great Britain wanted ships, if Great Britain wanted seamen—there would be no lack on the part of the inhabitants of New Zealand to come forward and magnanimously contribute all she could to aid in such an emergency—(applause) —but, on the other hand, I say, so long as we have no voice in deciding whether war is to be made by Great Britain, it is sufficient for us to bear the effects of that war by the loss of our commerce, the cost of defending our coast, the chances of being robbed by privateers, and the results which a great war would inflict upon us. If we bear that uncomplainingly, aud are willing to thus aid the Empire, then I say it is not right that we should be taxed for the purpose of supporting the navy iu Great. Britain. The taxation is one which I believe we will not submit to. I say that, to show you that there is a necessity of taking care that the population of New Zealand is represented purely and strongly, and that it should have a voice in great and important questions of that kind. Now, believing that, I come to the question of representation, and I ask you to consider that with me. Now, let us look at representation as it stands in this country at the present moment. On the electoral roll there are about 61,000 names, bnt you must not think that there are 61,000 electors in New Zealand, because that is not the case. One man mayhave his name repeated twelve, thirteen, fourteen, or fifteen times, may have his name repeated in many districts, where lie holds property ; therefore you must reduce a large number of persons, whom I may call duplicates, triplicates, or quadruplicates, aud numbers of persons who have died or left the districts. I think I am quite in bounds when I say that that there are not more than 41,000 electors throughout the colony of New Zealand. The total population is at least 150,000, but there are many adults iu New Zealand who have no vote at all. There are 1110 persons who are said to be loafers, and ought to have no votes. (Laughter.) Is it not wonderful that a country with 1110 loafers iu it gets on so well as New Zealand does ? Fortunately my own name is on the roll, so I am not one. (Laughter.) I say those men are not loafers, and I say the fact of their being shut out from having a voice in choosing their own representatives is no disgrace, for many of the best men England has produced have never had a voice in choosing their representatives. I doubt if Burns, the poet, ever had a vote. I do not believe he had, and I could quote many other instances. It was a rule that only certain ranks were born with a qualification to vote ; but I say nature brings no man into the world with a qualification of that kind. (Hear, hear.) I say no nation would consent to be self-governed it a large portion of its population is excluded from tlse franchise. Talk of self-government under such circumstances. It is nonsense, a fraud, something that ought not to be. If we are to have self-government let it be self-government. Any adult male resident for a certain time in a certain district ought to have a vote. The arguments in England that have lately been used against that are absurd. Mr. Gladstone has recently come round to my views, after having for years held a totally opposite opinion, and now admits that every farming man should have a qualification to vote, and everyone should recognise and allow that to be a true aud good qualification. (Applause.) Mr. Gladstone says he thinks every male adult is entitled to a vote because he works for the benefit of the country, and Mr. Lowe sneers at him by saying that every cart-horse is entitled to a vote, because he does the same thing. What right have we to take away the vote of these 1110 loafers, and spend money perhaps iu reckless extravagance, without allowing the people from whose sweat and toil and labor that money comes to say a single word as to what they desire to be spent ? I say no just man would like to take money from his tellowman under such circumstances. The loafer is the man who turns his back upon him. (Applause.) Now, I will not weary you further upon the subject of the franchise, but I will come to the question of electoral districts. Upon that I wish there to be no misunderstanding between us. Every man is entitled to his own convictions, and I have mine, and will not keep them back from you. I am an old man, and have ruled you for years. I have seen much of the world, and had a large experience—and having had experieuce at your expense you have a right to know the resolution which ray experience has led me to. My own firm belief is that there should bo equal electoral districts, and that representatives should bo returned in exact proportion to the population. (Hear, hear.) I have held that theory all my life, and if you look at the Constitution Act which I framed in 1850, you will see it is a part of the law of the laud that they should be so returned. Your own legislators have departed from that law, and I say you should rectify it. I am not so sanguine as to whether all these things can be carried out. There is a raid against them. We have masses of the Press—masses who do not like any changes—and masses who have not considered the subject—against us, and I cannot expect to get all these things at once. I stand hero to say I have no right to force anything upon unwilling people, and I will 1 try and lead the people to agree with me in what I think is right. (Hear, hear.) I think every man ought to have an equal voice in the country ; and we never will be fairly governed until that is carried out. ' Perhaps I shall not succeed in carrying that out at once. I can sweep away a lot of rotten boroughs, I can repair inequalities, and you can help me ; but if you do not, I cannot succeed: I am only a mouthpiece, and can only stand and say that a majority of the people of New Zealand are willing that such things should be done. I say that you should resist these glaring differences of representation, and insist upon the country being governed by the voice of the majority. (Applause.) I have told you what my own desire will be, and what I will achieve if you will assist me. Mr. Gladstone, who formerly held opposite views on the subject, and who is four years older than md, has arrived at the same conclusion as myself, and says that that is the only rule by which a country can bo governed. That every man’s views should have an equal potency in determining the ruling of the country. I stand at this end of tho world maintaining these views, and I have tho satisfaction of seeing the greatest statesmen Eug-

1 land possesses saying experience has driven j them to the same conclusion as myself. Now, I will turn to subjects of Janoth.-r kind, which I heard you would like me to say something about. You have all heard a good deal about the Public Works policy. Ever siuce New Zealand has existed the policy of every Government has been a policy of public works. Looking at the great roads that were made, aud the great works carried ou iu every part of New Zealand, I leave it to you if a ileal has not been accomplished under the Pub'ic Works policy. What was done was done entirely by the country itself, aud when they ventured upon the dangerous expedient of raising a £SOOO loan, a severe reprimand was given to them for incurring so damaging a national debt. (Laughter.) Well, those were the former circumstances of the country. When I went to the Cape of Good Hope, where there was a representative Parliament, I believe I was the first person to inaugurate in any of the colonies public works, and I got the consent of Parliament to raise a public loan, and we got railways aud erected a telegraph line which ran far into South Africa. I believe it was almost the first line of telegraph erected iu Africa. It was a similar policy to the one you have followed here, with the difference that great economy was exercised, and more produced by the money expended than I have seen in New Zealand. (Hear, hear.) I have been talking of English statesmen. I was recalled from the Gape of Good Hope iu consequence of a difference with the Government ;—that I need not go into. I went home to England, aud was ordered to return, being only some twelve days eut of office. Oue evening, whilst I was at Home, a discussion took place in a private house upon the subject of the colonies raising loans, and at that discussion there were present Mr. Gladstone, Lord John Russell, Sir Cornewall Lewis, the Duke of Argyle, and Lord Macaulay. Well, I contended that iu foroiug the Dutch policy of South Africa it was advisable to raise a loan, and not one of the stateimen'agreed with me, except Lord Macaulay, who made some very remarkable observations on the subject. That took place in 1858. The opinion of Lord Macaulay’s I believe to be a sound and just one. A great deal has been said from time to time regarding a change in the incidence of taxation, ancf I think there is no person but will say that the question is one which involves a very considerable amount of consideration, and also one with the due settlement of which I am generally charged. (Cheers.) I believe that each man in the State should pay towards its maintenance in proportion as he receives from it. (Cheers). But you are all taxed, aud have to pay the same sum —the poor as well as the rich. What does that state of things amount to ? Why, that you allow a man to take a large ruu, and afterwards, by the present system,tax yourselves to pay for it. Such a thing is altogether erroneous ; and especially seeing that there are other burdens to bear, iu the shape of railroads and public works, which are far more deserving of consideration. Why should you become responsible for all the contingent benefits arising from progress without having something iu exchange. I have been tackled for insisting on such rights, which were only due between man and man—honest and upright as man should be, —and it has even been said that I must have been mad for supporting them. Auckland has heard it before now, and the rest of the colony as well, so it remains to he seen whether I have ever tended iu that peculiar direction. (Cheers.) According to quotations from a certain gentleman, the present tax is equal to Is. sd. in the pound to the State, whereas the highest tax in England is Is. 3d. iu the pound, and then the people complain of it. I fully believe that a very large number of articles are chargeable with duties which are not dutiable at all, and which in the proper course of things should not be so, such as arrowroot, sago, aud other such like household goods, the duties from which might be very easily swept away with every advantage to the community. In saying so much, I ask you really and honestly to assist ms in obtaining these benefits to which I desire the colony should attain, and which, if you assist me iu obtaining, she shall ere long achieve. If you are careful of yourselves,get rid of these obnoxious burdens, aud see that they are for once aud all done away with, so that this will be one grand united community iu interest, and in intellect as well. In my mind a point towards the same object is that of having a tax imposed upon land—one of the most important questions iu the history of the colony, aud oue especially on which its welfare in a great measure depends. There are many reasons why we should have such a tax. All the public lands iu this colony are the property of New Zealand, and they should under every circumstance have been fairly dealt with. But I maintain that in the- distribution of the lands the colony and the colonists have been unfairly dealt with. I contend, in fact, that the past administration of the lands has not been for the public good, but has only been for the benefit of private individuals. (Cheers.) In proof of that, let any one go to the North, and he would see that lands were obtained and purchased, the regulations attaching to which were drawn up in secret—notably iu one case, in which as large an area as 98,000 acres had been secured at the rate of 2s. 6d. per acre; and that same laud, I can now assure you, is worth—at least a great portion of it—as much as from £5 to £0 per acre. Many similar instances have occurred, and in all cases where large tracts of laud had been taken up—and many of them fraudulently, too,—l have no doubt it is only proper that payments should he recouped, so as to meet the expenditure for the public works of the reference to the Canterbury ruu question, I have always considered it wrong that the additional tenure should have been given without making any equitable arrangements—in fact, the extension of the tenure from 1880_ until 1890, oi, in a manner of speaking, for thirteen years, was altogether unfair to the rest of the community ; and I think, fairly speaking, that a dissolution of Parliament should have taken place upon the question. At all events I shall always regret the fact of the extension of the leases as a shame upon those instrumental in carrying the affair out, aud as a matter obnoxious to those having to pay such a tax. , I say in all earnestness that the land should bear its fair and equitable share of taxation, so that matters should be uniformly divided, that the State should be properly balanced, audiu fact, relieved from the heavy burden under which it at present groans. In fact, at the present time we are the most heavily taxed people on the face of the earth, and why should it be so ? It should not be, by a proper system of taxation, which I fondly hope yet to see established at no very distant date. (Cheers.) If a man wants, say, more than 320 acres of land, let him be taxed proportionately for the benefit of the country ; there is nothing injudicious about that, but rather to tho benefit of the country; and the State willprofit meanwhile by the occupation. The other day I saw a letter in the paper from a high politician, who seemed to argue that it .would be farbetter for them to have high wages, and in the letter it was hinted that Sir George Grey did not want them to have laud. Eut I can assure you that letter came from one who had more land than he used—a class of gentlemen whom I advise you to look after (cheers). I came here to address you fairly and honestly, and is it likely that I should have any other object in view, seeing that I was really the man who, if I had liked, could have .purchased all the land in this district ? I could have purchased the whole of the Wairarapa District if I had liked, but do I own an inch of it now ? (Cheers.) I never wanted laud for myself, aud never endeavored to obtain it. Yet, the other day, when travelling through the Wairarapa District, I could not have been better treated if I had been the owner of tho whole of it. (Cheers.) What I really want to see is happy homes and well filled homesteads,— places in whicli the future of New Zealand may be established, and from which we will spring into a happy and prosperous nation. Considering the Native policy of the present Government, I need not tell you, by way of preface, that the natives are at present a diminishing race. Day by day we occupy greater tracts of their country, and accordingly day by day they are becoming more identified with us, as the population is spreading; and as far as I have travelled

lately in the native country, I can safely say that I have been well received. The natives have only asked for their Crown grants, and therefore I believe there is now every chance of peace for ever being established iu New Zealand. In addition to this welcome result, I fully believe that by the recent settlements large tracts of land will be opened up, which in the very occupation will considerably enhance the welfare of the whole community. As to the traffic in native lands, many opinions had been offered ; but as for the Government, I may say we have resolved that native officers shall no more bargain for land, and that no further transactions will be made hy them in which they will have any benefit, and iu fact that they will not be enabled to use their offices to their own advantage. Such a system I have determined upon, and especially seeing the evil results previously accruing, and which I am determined to prevent. (Cheers). Regarding our connection with England, Mr. Lowe, in talking of Great Britain and her possessions, has referred to them as almost a curse and a drag upon her, but I earnestly exhort you to be led by no opinion of the kind. Great Britain is the greatest nation on the face of the earth. She has held, aud at present holds in her hand, the destinies of other nations at will, and her colonies have accomplished more in the way of civilisation during late years than have been gained for centuries before. Is not that sufficient reward? In my opinion we can at present expect but little more. It is to be hoped, however, that, possessed of freedom of opinion, we will not allow ourselves to be dragged into the mire, bat rather act as men, aud with equal taxation and civil and religious liberty, become a nation in ourselves, of which the world might be proud. Providence has enabled us to occupy the lands of the colony. Its many thousands of acres are, as it were, in our own hands, and we are, in fact, in possession of a vast commonwealth, and let us demaud nothing from nature that we are not entitled to require. Let us, in fact, say that we will not have a governing class. (Prolonged applause). After the cheering subsided,

Mr. R. J. Duncan stated that he felt proud of seeing such a large assemblage to welcome a gentleman who had done so much for New Zealand. Sir George Grey was one in fact who had done everything for the benefit of the colony at large ; aud it was specially pleasing, after his services of many years ago, to see him still to the fore, with their interests at heart, and as ready as ever to befriend them. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Henry Anderson moved the following resolution :—“ That this meeting desires to express its thanks to Sir George Grey for having explained the general features of the policy and measures which the Government intend to bring before Parliament at the ensuing session; that it is of opinion that a policy which includes a change in the incidence of taxation, reducing Customs duties on necessaries, aud making land and other property bear their fair share of the burdens of the State, is one calculated to benefit the great body of the people of New Zealand ; and that it is, further, strongly imbued with the view that a liberal laud law, calculated to promote the settlement of industrious colonists upon the waste lands of the Crown, aud also a redistribution of the representation, and the extension of the franchise, making the people the real source of political power, are just and necessary measures, which merit the staunch and unswerving support of every man of Liberal views throughout the colony.” In moving the resolution Mr. Anderson briefly touched upon several of the more important items in the programme offered by Sir George Grey, which he generally characterised as liberal in the very highest degree, and thoroughly indicative of what he had expressed in other parts of the colony. The policy, he observed, was oue about which journalists, politicians, and others bad talked about, and dreamed about, for years past ; but now it had been brought forward in something like concrete form by Sir George, who he was convinced was determined to make it the law of the land. (Cheers.) The present progressive policy it was pledged would be carried out, so that what they had been locking forward to for some time past was about to be accomplished—a result of which he considered they should all be proud. Mr. Anderson, who was loudly and frequently cheered during his address, concluded by expressing a hope that the ensuing election would be contested on true democratic principles, so that the reforms to be brought forward should have due support. Mr. J. H. Wallace seconded the motion, and in doing so expressed a hope, with Mr. Anderson, that a gentleman would come forward at the ensuing election to support the policy enunciated by Sir George Grey. He did not say so out of any want of regard to Mr. Pearce, for whom he had every respect, but purely because he agreed with the progressive policy which had been submitted to them (cheers). Mr. Hutchison stated that be concurred moat heartily iu the resolution which had been submitted to them. Regarding the speech to whicli they had listened, he was hound to say that it was most eloquent, aud delivered by one who, beyond all others he had ever heard of, had left his high sphere to dwell amongst them as a citizen—in fact, as one of themselves. To Sir George’s influence aud management the colony, he had no doubt, would be indebted for the possession of valuable tracts of land, which would eventually prove of incalculable benefit—a fact iu itself which showed that in his disinterested policy he was acting for their welfare. The resolution was put, and carried amidst tremendous cheering. A vote of thanks was then passed to the Chairman, which was suitably acknowledged, and after a few remarks from Sir George Grey, the meeting separated, amidst great applause.