THE POLITICAL CRISIS IN VICTORIA.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5257, 29 January 1878, Page 3

THE POLITICAL CRISIS IN VICTORIA.

(From the Melbourne Argus, Jan. 15th.) The outrage on constitutional government which has just been perpetrated by “the Governor,” with the advice of “the Executive Council,” has placed his Excellency before the country in a new light. During a lengthy public career he has exhibited, we believe, considerable versatility, but it was generally thought that, having attained a vice-regal position; Ms taste for change would suffer diminution, or at least be held in check. Apparently, however, nothing can set bounds to his “infinite variety.” Having drunk life almost to the lees as the representative of her Majesty, we now find SirGcorge Bowen coming out in the character of a revolutionary leader. We submit, in all humility, that it would have been in better taste had he waited, like Sir George Grey, until he had resigned his commission, before assuming the new role. But whatever may be thought about the question of taste, there can be no question about the fact to which it refers. We have at present no constitutional governor in Victoria. We have a gentleman holding the Queen’s authority, who has deliberately abdicated his proper position, and placed himself at the head of a party, which party is distinctly revolutionary in its aims and practices. We are aware that his Excellency has frequently expressed his intention of keeping himself free from party strife and the differences between the two Houses. Only yesterday, at Portland, he repeated his assurance of neutrality, b:it wo we may be forgiven if we ask what it is worth in view of recent events ? Of the true nature of Mr. Berry's proceedings his Excellency can have no doubt. The leading ..." liberal ” journal does not attempt to conceal Iji. We find the Ministerial organ openly 'avowing t lat “such a step as this (closing courts by dismissing judges, police-magistrates, &c., and overriding the Civil Service Act by discharging officers in defiance of its spirit) is confessedly a revolutionary one that it would be impossible to ju-tify but for the object that Is sought to be obtained by it.” The same journal also speaks of the endeavor to overthrow our institutions in order to obtain £3OO for some sixty men as a “ coup d'etat.” To prove the revolutionary character of Mr. Berry’s proceedings appears almost a work of supererogation ; the veriest tyro in constitutional knowledge must see it at a glance. By the action of the Legislative Council the Government was left without sufficient funds for the service of the year. Now, assuming the last Supply Bill for £BOO,OOO to have continued operative after the rejection of the measure necessary to legalise the appropriation of money payable out of it—a point liable' to question—three courses were constitutionally open to Mr. Berry ; He could either have retained office, in the hope of coming to some arrangement with the Upper House, allowing matters to go on in the ordinary Course ; or he could at once have withdrawn, and allowed some other gentleman to try his hand at a task he was unable to perform ; or he could have gone to the country. It may be said that the first would have been useless, unless the Chief Secretary was inclined to give way, and that, the other two would have speedily placed him again in the position he at present holds, minus the revolution. This may or may not be so, but in any case it is beside the question. They were the only three courses he could constitutionally adopt. But the Premier has distinctly refused by his action to abide by the Constitution. He will neither get out of the way, as a Minister should who confesses Lis inability to carry on the government in accordance with Parliamentary practice, nor will he bring pressure to bear on his opponents in the only way known to constitutional usage,

viz., by appealing to the constituencies. He says “ Ac, in defiance of all precedent I will stick to office like the daughter of the horse leech, and by breaking up the public establishments, effecting a sham reduction in the Civil Service, inflicting untold hardships on innocent people, and going any further lengths towards the disruption of society that may.be necessary, I will force my opponents to give away, and allow me to remain there.” It is with shame we remember that the representative of a constitutional Queen has given his sanction to such a programme, and thereby identified himself with the party that is overturning the institutions he is sworn to uphold. His Excellency cannot plead ignorance of affairs as an excuse for his conduct. _He ought, and surely must know by this time, what the duties of a constitutional governor are. He cannot pretend to think that the direction he received from the Secretary of State to be guided in all matters of purely colonial concern by his responsible advisers, left him free to accept their advice, no matter whether their recommendations were opposed to or in accordance witli the law and constitutional usage. He mu-t see that such a doctrine obtained, a Ministry once in office might remain there for , ever by suiting its advice to its requirements. If there is no obligation resting on a Governor to see that the Constitution is observed, of what use is he in our system of government? AVheu Mr. Berry tendered his revolutionary advice —and that it was revolutionary we have the authority, be it remembered, of Mr. Berry’s own organ—his Excellency, we submit, should have refused to mi outside the Constitution, but as he did not do so, he has betrayed his trust, and sunk, we regret to say, from the level of an impartial arbiter to that of a mere partisan. The Governor should have offered a dissolution, with the usual alternative, and allowed the knot to unravel itself in the ordinary way. Instead of doing so, he has misused her Majesty’s prerogative, aud thrown everything into confusion for the purpose of keeping Mr. Berry in power, aud providing £3OO a year for Ministerial followers. Does his Excellency think it well that a great community should be disorganised, and the decent, hard-working portion of society harassed for such a purpose ? We are sorry to think that, in spite of warning. Sir George Bowen has taken that one fatal step which must inevitably end in discomfiture. Whether he go forward or whether he go back, the result must be either to embitter Ms stay or hasten his return. As long as the people remain free, any Governor of a British colony who goes outside its Constitution must either kill the Constitution or be killed by it. If people have sufficiently recovered from their astonishment to taken rational view of things, we think they would do well to consider seriously the present position of affairs. The people to whom we ‘allude'are those who have a stake in the country—those who were recently threatened by Mr.AVoods -with “ another turn of tlie screw.” These are the men who, for the most part, habitually neglect public matters, going their ways, some to their ploughs and some to their merchandise, with charming- insouciance, expecting others to protect their interests, and looking for some deus ex machindtn protect them from danger. Over and over again we have implored the party of law and order to organise its forces, and put forth all the effort of which it is capable in the cause of good government, ‘ but we might as well have whistled to the wind. Nothing but spasmodic effort ever resulted from our labors, and even that was of the most feeble character. Men of property have appeared to think that they can take their ease, eat, ■ drink, and be merry, in a democratic country, and still retain a check upon ora control over affairs. They are likely now to be rudely awakened to a sense of thenfolly and short-sighted selfishness. AVe can only repeat our. advice—organise, whether it be for electioneering purposes or farther eventualities. We would point out that never were those social institutions on which the safety,and the rights of property repose in greater danger than they are at this minute. Unless there is to be an unconditional surrender to the “ Wantalls,” which would only, whet their appetites for more, this quarrel must be fought out to the bitter end. There is no retreat. The bridge which might at one time have been used with honor has been cut away, and is now floating down the stream of time, followed, we doubt not, by many a regretful glance. However that may be, nothing remains before us but political death or victory. Either the Constitution must be vindicated, or Victoria become a place unfit for the habitation of a free-man. Better live in aland where socialism is organised, than in a country . where some 60 men can dip their hands into your pocket at will. What we have, just witnessed is, we are told, only the beginning of the revolution. Therefore, gentlemen—bankers, traders, pro-perty-owners, and lovers of law and order, with or without a sixpence—be up and doing, for the Queen’s representative has left you nuked to your enemies. If the foundations of society must be broken up, we presume, at all events, you would desire to have a hand in the reconstruction of things.