The New Zealand Times (PUBLISHED DAILY.) SATURDAY, JANUARY 5, 1878.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXIII, Issue 5237, 5 January 1878, Page 2

The New Zealand Times (PUBLISHED DAILY.) SATURDAY, JANUARY 5, 1878.

Russia, so the telegram says, has refused: Lord Loftus’ offer of mediation on the part of England, and has intimated that; if Turkey desires an armistice she must apply to the Russian Commander-in-Chief. That is a strong answer, and displays much of the air of the conqueror. The disagreement between Turkey and Russia has been once again submitted to the arbitrament of the sword, and by the sword only shall it be decided. It is martial law now; it is not a a question for Cabinets to decide, but .must be left to the discretion of the general of the army. We are not in possession of the full text of Russia’s reply, but it is quite probable that it may not have been offensive to England, and that Russia may have advanced sufficient reasons to ‘ satisfy the English, people, for late telegrams state that the anti-war feeling predominates in the mother country. Indeed, leaving altogether on one side the nature of Russia’s reply to Lord Loftus, surprise need not be felt that the English people hesitate about plunging. into a war in which their interests are of a somewhat, indefinite character. It is not the influence of Exeter Hall or the Bulgarian atrocity agitators that stays England from taking part in the struggle. The British nation, even assuming that she would come out of the 'struggle l victorious, has a great deal to lose by going to war. The greatest commercial nation in the world would find her commerce seriously crippled by waging war with any civilised nation, let alone with Russia, which is a naval Power of considerable importance. It is not hinted that Russia, or any likely combination of European Powers, could successfully contest the supremacy of the seas with England. However there is a lesson to bo learnt from the experience of a kindred people. When the War of Secession broke out in the United States, the South possessed no fleet fit to cope with the North, yet the Confederates, by a few cruisers, almost completely swept the ’mercantile marine of the North off the seas. That mercantile marine rivalled England’s both in number of ships and tonnage, yet before the close of the war it had sunk to fifth or sixth place. A war between England and even the next greatest naval Power in the world would not have such disastrous effects upon British commerce as the War of Secession had upon that of the United States, but still it would work vast mischief. Therefore we out here may rest assured that the mother country will not declare war without some very tangible reason. British interests are certainly very undefined, and they have shown a wonderful amount of elasticity even in the present generation. British interests were supposed to be in some way involved in the struggle between the Slave States and the Free States of America, and English sympathy was consequently given to the South. Yet not more than a dozen years have elapsed, and nine out of every ten Englishmen would shudder at the present to think that England ever seriously intended to go to war on behalf of the South. Again, during the Franco-Prussian war it was curious to note how British interests were dragged into the result of the struggle. British sympathy on that occasion went so far that it was actually earnestly debated in England as to what were the best means to bo adopted to raise the siege of Paris—would fifty or a hundred thousand British troops be sufficient. However, France was left completely at the mercy of Germany, who exacted much, and got everything she asked, without any abatement being made through the influence of outside Powers. Yet no one says to-day that British interests have suffered in consequence. We must not omit to mention the Schleswig-Holstein affair, when the British Government halt promised to send twenty thousand men to aid the Danes. But Schleswig-Holstein has become a part of Germany, and the British power was in no way sensibly diminished, save a little loss of prestige caused by the bombastic utterances of some Home statesmen, including Earl Russell. England is as strong to-day as over she was, and the people are beginning to recognise that neither her prestige nor her power is likely to be diminished by any outside issues. She has dabbled too much in Continental affairs. Hundreds of thousands of British lives have been sacrificed, and hundreds of millions of British gold have been squandered, in fighting other people’s battles. Looking at all these things, can any surprise be expressed that the anti-war feeling predominates in England? Let the vital interests of Great Britain once be touched, some tangible cause given, and England will put forth her strength. It is customary to decry England’s power as a belligerent; but that depreciatory tone is confined to Englishmen themselves. No foreign nation will readily give her substantial cause for offence. They are fully aware of'the vastness of her resources, and feel that if she once drew the sword it would tost the power of more than one nation in Europe to compel her to sheathe it. Russia cannot afford to treat ■ England’s demands with indifference when the time comes when England shall decide on that which she deems essential 1 to her own interests and the interests of civilisation. We read that the Conservative Press are daily vehemently demanding the active interference of England. It is customary for the Tory Press to advocate extreme measures, and if its counsels were hearkened to the country would seldom be at peace. Within the last twenty years wo would have made war against '

the United States, France, Germany, Spain, and Russia. According to - it, at one time British power is seriously affected by the Russian conquests in Central Asia, at another time by American interference with the : Newfoundland fisheries, and again by the danger of Germany taking possession of a coral, reef in the Pacific Ocean. Let us hope that the statesmen of England will be guided by wiser counsels, and that the dogs of war will not be let loose without very weighty reasons ; but should it be decided to protect British interests with the sword, the war will be entered' upon with the fearlessness of the British race, and with a determination to prosecute it to a successful conclusion.