THE POLITICAL POSITION IN NEW ZEALAND.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXII, Issue 5214, 7 December 1877, Page 3

THE POLITICAL POSITION IN NEW ZEALAND.

(From the Australasian, November 17.) The recent course of political events in New Zealand since the advent to power of the Grey Ministry has included so many curious incidents that it will be of interest, and not without instruction, if we gather together the scattered fragments of history supplied by paragraphs aud telegrams, and arrange them in a regular narrative. It will then appear that the Government of which the one-time recluse of Kawau is the head is emphatically a Ministry of Combat, and that Sir George Grey is not likely to suffer any means which can bo made available for protracting his term of office to lie unused. Having gained the position of Premier by something like surprise, Sir George Grey soon allowed it to be known that he did not intend to be dislodged very easily. His Ministerial statement might have been couched in the famous phrase of Marshal MacMahon, “ J.'y suis, j’y reste.” Although lie came into office in consequence of a vote of want of confidence, of which he was not the ostensible mover, and which was only carried by a very narrow majority, Sir George Grey talked as largely as though he possessed the confidence of the great body of the members. He went ho far as to inform the House that “ supplies or no supplies, he would find means to carry on the business of the country, aud that until such time as the financial policy of the Government was laid before the House lie would not leave the Treasury benches.” It would seem that a Minister who attached so much importance to putting his financial policy before the House, would take every means to secure that this was done at the earliest possible opportunity. But the reverse was the ease, and in spite of the urgent demands of the Opposition to have that policy laid before them, one feeble excuse after another has been made for its non-production. In the meantime, the loader of the Opposition, Major Atkinson, proposed a vote of want of conlidcnco, grounding his action on the contention that the Ministry did not possess a majority, it not having been contemplated by many who voted for ousting the former Government that the effect of their vote would bo to iustal Sir George Grey in power. It was while this motion was being-debated that a strange incident arose, which had the effect of causing, for a time, the debate to be suspended and the division to be a few days postponed.

While the vote of want of confidence was still pending Sir George Grey wished to nomi--nate a barrister, Mr. J. N* Wilson, to a seat in the Legislative Council, and in pursuance of this desire requested the Governor to summon that gentleman to the Council. His Excellency, however, objected to make the appointment on the advice of a Ministry over whom a vote of want of confidence was hanging. Without discussing the constitutional questions involved in this position, it here sufficient to say that Sir George Grey did not pretend that there were any reasons of public welfare why the appointment could Hot be left over for a few days, as his Excellency suggested, until the vote was disposed of. On the other hand, if what was wanted was to raise a quarrel with the Governor that might be used as a red herring trailed across the course of the pending vote, here was the very opportunity desired. Sir George Grey seems to have acted on this view, and determined formally to press his advice on the Governor by a memorandum written on the day after his Excellency gave his adverse opinion. The paper was replied to by the Governor in a memorandum, in which he said, “If Sir George Grey informs the Governor that he requires this appointment for the purpose of enabling Mr. Wilson to take office in the Government, he will make it at once. If, however, it is, as Sir George Grey informed him yesterday, simply for the purpose of adding to the Legislative Council another gentleman belonging to the legal profession, thei’e can be no pressing urgency for the appointment; and the Governor is of opinion that it would be undesirable to make it at a time when a vote of want of confidence

is pending." The subsequent production of these papers enabled Mr. Stout, in the House of Representatives, acting in the interest of the Ministry, to raise a question of privilege, which had the effect of hanging up the debate for a few days. The House considered that its privileges were invaded, and addressed the Governor to that effect. His Excellency promised to communicate through his Responsible Ministers, but finding himself unable to accept the draft message tendered to him as a reply to the address, sunt one of his own composition. In this he relied on the sound constitutional principle that as the Ministers did not resign when he refused their advice they became responsible for his act. But resignation was the last thing contemplated by Sir George Grey, who now attempted to argue that Ministers were only responsible for acts advised by them, a doctrine the working out of which would involve the publicity of the whole proceedings of the Executive Council, and of all the advice tendered by the Ministry to the Governor. But although this fortunate diversion postponed the division, it could not prevent it from coming at last. The division was forced on by the Ministry at a time when the Opposition were unprepared, and three members belonging to the latter being locked out the voting was equal, and the Speaker in accordance with usage gave his casting vote for the Government. Major Atkinson wished to move .that the Ministry not having a majority should resign, but this was ruled out of order, and another motion of want of confidence was tabled. The case had now become clear that the Grey Ministry was in a minority ; but in accordance with the tactics he. had announced, Sir George Grey resolved to hang on to his place in any way and on any terms. To this end he did not scruple to use the forms of the House to prevent the motion from coming on, and it ultimately was ‘placed so as to be taken when the House is moved to go into Committee of Supply. A vote of censure on the Ministry, with reference to its action in the privilege case has, we are told by telegram, been u shelved for the session.”’

Sir George Grey has now attained the post for which he has been so long strenuously fighting, and it is worth while considering the terras on which he holds it. He was reduced to get it by coming forward under the cloak of Mr. Larnach, not venturing to contest the position of the Government openly and in his own person. He holds it in the face of a hostile majority, and exposed to all the checks and humiliation which such a condition involves. He retains it on the terms of carrying out a policy which he bitterly and violently opposed, but which now he dare not attempt to modify. To maintain his post for a short uncertain time longer he has on the one side to shirk the responsibility devolved upon him by the Governor’s rejection of advice tendered to him, and on the other to resort to the petty Parliamentary warfare of abusing the forms <>f the House to obstruct the will of the majority from expressing itself in a vote of want of confidence. He exists as a Minister solely by the aid of the forms of the House, speeches against time, and the casting vote of the Speaker. At the outset of his Ministerial career he defied Parliament by declaring that he would find means to get on “without supplies.” By the course into which he has since allowed a love of office to betray him, Sir George Grey has shown that he can as readily dispense with every condition compatible with self-respect, and with the proper working out of the true spirit of the Constitution he has undertaken to administer.

(From the Australasian, November 24.) Perusal of the published correspondence which took place between the New Zealand Ministry and the Marquis of Normanby relative to the late question of privilege shows conclusively that though his Excellency was placed at a disadvantage owing to what he may reasonably consider the sharp practice of his advisers, he was quite able to hold his own in the consequent discussion. As to the merits of the privilege question, there can be but one opinion in impartial minds. The fussy debate and decisions of. the House of Representatives arc simply an absurd waste of time and energy about a trifle. It is sheer nonsense to pretend that the reference by the Governor in a confidential communication addressed to his Ministers to an impending debate in the House formed a breach of the privileges of that body, and an interference with its freedom of discussion. If the gravamen of the complaint is transferred from the writing of the paper to its publication, then the whole bearing of the question is shifted, and the responsibility for the action complained of is laid, without chance of evasion, on the shoulders of the Ministry. This position is stated with such cogency by the Governor, that we may quote his words :—“ The Governor refused the advice of Ministers to appoint Mr. Wilson to the Legislative Council. By his instructions, and according to numerous precedents, he had a perfect right to take that course. Tliu Government, as he thinks rightly, did not consider it a case of sufficient importance to necessitate their resignation, and there the matter would have ended. The Governor was not obliged to give any reasons to his Ministers for the course he had taken, hut he thought it more honest and move respectful to them to do so. Unfortunately, in so doing,he used expressions which were afterwards construed into a breach of privilege. The Government either did or did not see thi-. The Governor is perfectly ready to assume that they did not, as he should be very sorry indeed to impute to them any intention of entrapping him ; at the same time the Government must have had some reasons for wishing for the production of the papers, and so little did the Governor see any public necessity for it that he was on the point of refusing his consent, aud only refrained from doing so because he did not like for the second time to refuse their advice. The papers wore laid on the table of tho House, and immediately the question of privilege was raised.” It is not pleasant to see a colonial Ministry virtually charged by the force of facts with something like a conspiracy amiinst her Majesty's representative, whom it •is their province to advise. Tho unpleasantness is increased when tho head of tho Ministry is a gentleman who has himself held the office of representative of the Queen, and tho correspondence between Lord Normanby and Sir George Gray places tho later gentleman in rather an unenviable position.