THE PRESENT POLITICAL POSITION.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXII, Issue 5185, 3 November 1877, Page 3

THE PRESENT POLITICAL POSITION.

TO THE BDITOB OP THE NEW ZEALAND TIMES. Sib, —Every colonist having at heart the interests of his adopted country must feel pained and alarmed at the position that party polities have assumed in our Legislature. The Parliament has now been in ses3iou for, several months, and yet literally nothing has ~~een done in the way of legislation for the country. The Estimates were brought down at an unusually early period this session, and ; they have not yet been considered or discussed. According to the expressed opinions; of the Government and their followers, the country is in a most critical position with regard to its finances; and yet no effort is being made to relieve it. How is this ? To me there appears to be a lack of patriotism, and an abandonment of principle for the interests of part/. Procrastination and delay seem to.be the order of the day; and anything that will promote that object is eagerly sought after and adopted. . . . A breach of privilege is now the matter that is exercising the collective wisdom;of the' colony. Breach of privilege, forsooth ; why, that is what takes place every time that the House meets; that is, if you adopt the rules and usage of the British Parliament. The presence of the ladies in the gallery, who appear to take such deep int rest in the proceedings of the House, or of the sterner sex in the strangers' gallery, is a breach of privilege ; and atfention has only to be called tothefactby a member to ensure the clearing of the galleries. According to May's " Constitutional History of England," " the publication of debates is still asserted to be a breach of privilege ; but the offence can be committed with impunity. What is said in Parliament is supposed to be unknown elsewhere, and cannot be noticed without a breach of privilege." But how do our wise senators carry out this parliamentary practice f Why by publishing a Hansard with their revised speeches, and sending copies to the Governor and every other person of note in the colony. How is it possible that the representative of the Crown can be ignorant of what takes place in Parliament, if authorised versions are regularly forwarded to him for his consideration ; and through him to be transmitted to the Colonial Office. No doubt it is a breach of the privileges of the House to do so; but whoever would think of proceeding against the printer and publisher of those speeches in the present day ? " May " states that " Sir E. Dering was expelled the House and imprisoned in the Tower for printing a collection of his speeches in Parliament; and the book was ordered to be burned by the common hangman. The printers who had committed the breach of privilege of reporting the proceedings of Parliament were reprimanded on their knees. And this took place as late a 3 1771." It will, thus be seen that it would be perfectly absurd to attempt to use the power vested in the British Parliament at the present day ; and that many of its usages are more honored in the breach than in the observance.

Now I perfectly agree that the rights and liberties of the people should be jealously observed, and anything that would tend to interfere with the power of speech or free thought should be repelled by every constitutional means in our power. But in what way has the Governor's action done this? In "May," vol. 1., page 24, we find : —"ln order to guard against the arbitrary interference of the Crown in its proceedings, Parliament has established for centuries the constitutional doctrine that the King should not hear' or give credit to reports of its debates, and that no member should suffer molestation for his speaking or reasoning." Will anyone pretend to say that the action of the Governor was intended, or has had the effect, of molesting a member speaking or reasoning? Clearly no. The only fault ho has committed, if fault it be, is giving a reason for his action at all. Mr. Rollcston pointed to the true solution of this difficulty. In the same volume of " May," page 12, that writersays:—" The Crown chooses and dismisses its Ministers. Their resolutions upon every important measure are submitted to the King's approval, and when that approval is withheld, the Ministers must either abandon their policy or resign their offices." If the present Government feel aggrieved at the action of the Crown, they should resign.—I am, &c, Censorius.