New Zealand Times (PUBLISHED DAILY.) MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1877.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXII, Issue 5143, 17 September 1877, Page 2

New Zealand Times (PUBLISHED DAILY.) MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 17, 1877.

The debate i which-,, followed upon ,NMr. Wooicbcii’s mption Will-sef've to show how few reasons there are for altering the incidence of taxation in this colony. Many of the speakers simply assumed that the mode of raising the revenue was unfair to certain sections of the community, and they argued from such assumption, apparently never troubling themselves about the strength of their premises, which we are told by logicians should be the first element in all arguments. It would be tiresome to recapitulate the facts and figures adduced during the debate, proving that no one class in the community had reason to complain of tho taxation to which they were subjected. Particular references have been made to the small farmers and working men. It is a very important consideration to know what are their opinions on the question, for if they are content at present, there would be little wisdom in altering .the taxation for their presumed benefit, while by such a course discontent would be created amongst other classes of the community. We will give an illustration which will tend to show that the working men are not aware that they suffer any particular grievance, and it must be borne in mind that there are many among them who are well acquainted with our governmental system, and fully comprehend the various' ways by which the revenue of the country is raised. During the late contest—about six months ago—in the city of Wellington for a seat in the House of Representatives, one of the candidates on the day of nomination, in inmistakeable language, avowed himself opposed to a tax upon property. Fully five hundred persons were present, more than one-half of whom were working men, and yet Mr. TnAVEna’ expression of opinion did not raise the slightest murmur of dissent, nor is it believed that it lost him one vote on the polling day. The truth is, that the taxation of this colony, notwithstanding the opinions of those who claim an intimate knowledge -oLthe industrial classes, is not appreciably felt by them ; and that which concerns them most' is that they should be assured work at a fair wage; for the amount of taxes exacted from a working man bear small proportion to his earnings. There is no doubt that the Customs duties of this colony were mainly fixed for revenue purposes, yet they have had a protective effect, and we have little hesitation in stating that tbe advantages derived by the working classes from the protection thus afforded have been tenfold any saving that could be effected in the Customs duties of say three farthings a-day each; for the ingenuity of any Colonial Treasurer could not relieve them to a greater extent. The most rabid mobocrat will admit that the working man should pay something to the State; for law and order are of as much importance to him as anybody else. There is one point which should not be forgotten. Though the working man may not contribute as much to the revenue as his richer fellow-colonist, he has in a democratic community like this an equal voice in its distribution. It is hia own fault if he does not exercise his right. If it possibly could be avoided, it would be an unwise thing to introduce class legislation here, as those who were the most heavily taxed would complain, and reasonably too, that they had not a fair proportion of the distributive power. It would be exceptional taxation without exceptional representation. It has been said that one of the chief reasons of the stability of the British Government is that the aristocracy are more democratic than those of other European countries, and that the poorer classes are more aristocratic than those of a similar grsde on the Continent. The various elements of society in this colony merge as much perhaps into each other as amongst any other people on the face of the earth, and no one will deny that, that merging is beneficial to all, and particularly to the weaker portion. The moral effect of a property and income tax should be considered. The tax has only doubtful revenue reasons to recommend it, while there are nany other reasons against it, each one of which may bo equal to anything that can be urged in its favor. It is not well that any class distinctions should be made in a new country like this, where nearly all started in the race for wealth on an equal footing. Property here has uot'bsen handed down from generation to generation, but is the creation of a man’s own toil or enterprise. Those who have enriched themselves have taken nought from anybody else—they have simply added to the wealth of the country, and are still adding ; for capital is not locked up here in the Three Per Cents, or invested in foreign securities to enable nations to wage war against each other. There is room enough in this colony for tenfold the present population, and resources for the acquisition of tenfold the present wealth. One member during the late debate said that the income tax could not possibly have the effect of preventing people sending capital to the colony ; that it would in fact rather act as an encouragement. By what mental process he arrived at such a conclusion it is hard to say ; but he can be assured that the English capitalist would prefer tho securities of a State that could raise its revenues on tho luxuries of life to one which had to resort to direct taxation. The Custom House has always been looked upon as the best guide of the tax-paying powers of a people ; for the contributions, except duties on tho bare necessaries of life, are of a voluntary nature ; while revenues raised by direct taxation are no proper criterion of tho wealth of a country, for tho uttermost farthing may bo wrung from the people, as is the case in many countries. Experience has proved that highly civilised peoples will not resort largely to direct taxes, and that it would be injurious for their credit to do so. Those who will take the trouble to make themselves acquainted with the modes of raising the revenue of tho various nations of the world, and their relative positions in the money market, will find good grounds for this conclusion.