THE POSITION OF AUSTRIA.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXII, Issue 5143, 17 September 1877, Page 3

THE POSITION OF AUSTRIA.

'The'telegram in our issue of this morning, which narrates how the Emperor of Austria drank the health of his dear friend and ally the Emperor of Russia, points to significant action by Austria during the Russo-Tnrkish struggle. An interesting article in the Spec-, tator of June 30th shows how : some such declaration as that just made ,iu favor of Russia was .anticipated. The article, says : —The passage (of the Danube) was probably expected at Vienna and Pesth, and produced the restlessness which induced the Premier of the Hungarian Monarchy (Herr Tisza) to make Ids now celebrated declaration of June 26. I his declaration has, we think, been a little misunderstood in this country. Herr Tisza is a Magyar speaking to Magyars. who believe their fortunes bound up with, of the Ottomans, and he had to explain why the Monarchy had remained tranquil, and why it did not evfen now order mobilisation. He was, in fact, as against Hungarians of the more fervent sort, just in the position of Lord Salisbury as..against proTurkish Tories, and part at least of his object was to deprecate hotlieadedness, “If,” he said, “ the Government had yielded to this advice and this urging, 600,000 of the toiling sons of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would have been taken away from their work and their families. Another consequence would have been that an increased burden of many hundred millions of florins would have been thrust upon the shoulders of the nation. Yes, if the Government had pursued to its full extent the warlike policy which at times challenged the whole of Europe, and which we have heard advocated here, the country would have echoed with the cries of pain of mothers who had lost their children, and women who had been deprived of their husbands.” The war had affected the interests of Austro-Hun-gary as of every other European State, but the policy of the Government, secure in a strong army, which would obey any order from the Emperor, had been to localise the war by remaining neutral. This neutrality, however, in no way embarrassed the freedom of the Monarchy to protect its own interests. AustroHungary was embarrassed by no engagement and no alliance, and he would add, that although in the interests of the freedom of action of the Monarchy he would make no binding declaration as to the future, “ I can assure the House that in the circles of the Monarchy which are authorised to decide there exists no one who would regard it as the duty of our foreign policy to alter the possession and relations of power on our frontier.” He repeated that the single object • of AustroHungarian policy was the interests of the Monarchy, apart alike from prepossessions and antipathies, and warned his countrymen in words which might well be studied in England, that fear of a nightmare is not courage. “ X only ask the members of the House to consider that the constant mention of a danger which does not exist is no sign of manly courafe, and may temporarily so shake the nerves of the people, that, if the proceeding be frequently repeated, their nerves, when the time of action arrives, will be found relaxed. I repeat that the continual mention of a danger is, moreover, not good ; because if a people is constantly frightened out of its tranquility, and repeatedly discovers that it has been roused by the groundless chimera of imagination, it finally will not believe in danger when it really arises, and that would be a heavy blow for the Monarchy.” It seems to us impossible to mistake the meaning of this speech. Austria desires neutrality, if neutrality only is possible, and when it is not possible, will act “ without prepossessions or antipathies,” with a single eye to her own interests. About those interests there can be no doubt. It cannot be the interest of the' composite Monarchy to fight Slavs in order to befriend Turks. It cannot be its interest to see a strong and independent South-Slavonic Kingdom rise on its frontier, attracting all Slava and exciting incurable jealousy and bitterness among Magyars. It must, therefore, occupy tor itself the neighboring Slavic province, Bosnia, and part of Herzegovina, thus bringing itself close to the extended Roumanian State, which, we may rest assured, will bo formed upon the east, a State which has no attraction for Slavs. That, wo believe to bo the meaning of the Govern-

ment, and that' is -also ■ the meaning of the ' Hapshurgs, though the latter, are not as afraid of Slavic preponderance ,'as are the former. Both intend to assure themselves that when peace is concluded, the interests of the united Monarchy—not of Hungary alone —shall he consulted, and the only perfect security is possession of a material guarantee. They might secure themselves by threatening Russia, but that alternative would irritate all the Slavs, who furnish the bulk of the army ; would plunge them into a great war in which they could gain nothing, for there is no territory not Slavic in Russian hands to cede ; and would throw Russia absolutely upon a Court which the Hapshurgs dread much more than they dread the Magyars. We recognise, of course, quite well that many of our readers will doubt this interpretation, and think that Austro-Hungary intends to defend the Turks, but we would ask them for the twentieth time to ponder two questions. Do they think it probable that the Hapshurgs, who were saved by their Slav subjects in 1849, will alienate them for ever for the sake of anybody except themselves—who have absolutely nothing to gain by the alienation—or do they think it possible that Russia has gone into tills war without being certain of Austrian resolves ? The Emperor of Austria is at this moment in such a position that he could throw 400,000 men into Roumania right upon the Russian communications, could absolutely sever the Russian army from Russia. Every Russian officer knows that. General Eadaieff pointed out the contingency years ago in the most explicit and outspoken manner. It is as patent to the Russian Staff as to any human being with intelligence enough to understand a map. Do they really think it conceivable that the Court of St. Petersburg, the best-in-formed in Europe and the most cautious, guided as it is by an Emperor who is over-dis-trustful, and by a statesman who remembers how Austria acted in tho Crimean war, has staked everything on a gigantic war, without being certain that this ruinous contingency would not be permitted to occur. If the Court of St. Petersburg has moved without a certainty that Austria will not be actively hostile, it is a foolish Court, and we may leave the belief in its foolishness to those who believe and assert every clay that it is the most crafty, most deceitful, and most Machiavellian Court in Europe. The Hapshurgs, as we believe, will think of their interests, as Herr Tisza says; and their interests are to get all they can without fighting a Power which, if driven too far, could hand half their dominions to the Hohenzoilerns and the other half to a South-Slav Monarchy. A forced alliance between Berlin and St. Petersburg is not desired at Vienna.