THE CITY ELECTION.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXII, Issue 4981, 10 March 1877, Page 2

THE CITY ELECTION.

MR. TRAVERS AT ST.GEORGE'S HALL. Last evening Mr. Travers addressed a well-attended meeting at St. George's Hall. Mr. J. H. Wallace, who was called to the chair, briefly referred to Mr. Pearce's resignation, and introduced the candidate. .:■;.• Mr. Travers, who was received with cheers, said : Mr. Chairman and gentlemen,—This is now the third time that I have had the honor, to address the electors of Wellington as a candidate for a seat in the General Assembly ; and my persistence in this respect must, I 'think, satisfy you that it is an honor I very much covet. There is none, indeed, which I should more desire to have bestowed upon me than a seat in the House of Representatives by the suffrages of the electors of, I won't say the most important city in the colony—but of a city which at all events scarcely ranks as second in importance to any in New Zealand. (Applause.) And I feel perfectly assured that the day is not far distant when Wellington will rank first in importance in New Zealand, not only on account of its central position and on account of the magnificent harbor it possesses, but owing to its being brought into that connection, which is essential to it, with the large resources that lie behind the belt of hills by which it is surrounded. (Cheers.) Now, gentlemen, it is always difficult for any person to attempt to discuss his own merits, and it would be very invidious and improper on my part to attempt to discuss my own merits by drawing any comparison whatsoever between my own, such as they are, and those of the gentleman who is my opponent on the present occasion, and I shall therefore entirely forbear from any allusion to that gentleman in regard to those merits which constitute our relative pretensions to occupy a seat in the Assembly as representing this constituency. But I may be permitted to say —and few people have a better knowledge on this point than I possess, for I have been brought a good deal into communication of a business character with his Worship the Mayor, and therefore I claim some pretension to form a judgment—that I appreciate that gentleman's good qualities. I have had many opportunities of learning his aptitude for business ; and I have been able to see how much he devotes himself to the interests of the city. But, gentlemen, let me ask you if you can secure the services of two men each of whom is equally desirous to serve you, would it not be better to secure them both than to allow the capacities of one to be latent. I would ask you, that while you keep his Worship as Major, let me represent you in the Assembly. I can assure you of one tiling, that whatever zeal his Worship Bhows in the management of the affairs of the city, I would emulate him in the zeal with which I would endeavor to serve the city if I should have the honor of being returned to the Assembly. (Cheers.) I will say one word more in reference to the personnel of the candidates. I am about to contest the election under circumstances in which, I may say, I am far less weighted in the race than I was on former occasions, for unquestionably both my opponents were men who deserved the confidence of the electors. Of Mr. Pearce I may - say that although he is in no degree ah: obtrusive politician he has shown himself to be a cautious) able, and straightforward one, and I conceive that any constituency in New Zealand might be proud to have him as their representative. - (Applause.) I' assure you there is this much of embarrassment; in my assuming the position I will occupy if Ihave the honor of being elected. I will have to follow in the footsteps of a man who has acquired the respect of his fellow citizens in that position, and that probably throws upon me a heavier duty than would be the case if I did not follow in the footsteps of a gentleman who is so well entitled to your regard. I will proceed at once to state to you my opinions upon various questions of general interest, \ which' are sure sooner or later to engage the attention of the Legislature. These questions may be divided into two classes,; questions of interest affecting the city and the provincial district of Wellington in oommon with the colony at large, and questions affecting especially the city of Wellington in its connection chiefly with the country by which it is surrounded. It is true that in a sense both these sets of questions are of interest as regards the colony at large; but some are necessarily more local or more specialized in their character than others, and I think it convenient that for the purpose of stating my opinions I should adopt the division, somewhat arbitrary, it is true, which I have mentioned. With regard to questions of general politics. Gentlemen, the provincial institutions of the colony are dead and gone. You remember Humpty Dumpty who sat on a wall, and'how after his fall all the, King's horses and all the King's men could not set Humpty Dumpty up again. I believe that in like manner the provincial institutions; of this colony may be looked upon as absolutely and to speculate whether the mode iu which they were, shall I say killed, was altogether wise; but it was inevitable if it was not wise. A revolution, whether bloodless or not, is always violence. The abrogation of that portion of the Constitution of the 1 colony was a revolution—a peaceful revolution, one brought about by the , public opinion of the country—a revolution that is not regretted, and therefore I think, gentlemen, I may say no more of provincial institutions. However, I believe had their functions been performed with a becoming degree of modesty, and a greater regard for the claims of every portion of the country under their respective control, they might have survived to this day. But they are dead and gone, and we have how to consider what is the best form of local institutions to replace them. In the last seMca-of Parliament an attempt was made to effect that object. I at once say that I do not think the Government of the colony is entirely to blame for the circumstance that the new institutions owe their to very cumbrous and unsatisfactory legislation, because the Government met ia connection with the whole matter a very strong, and I must say, latterly, a very factious and unnecessary opposition. (Hear, hear). It will be my duty and my pleasure also to give my best assistance in bringing the local institutions which are to take the place of the provincial institutions, now abolished, into simple and easy working; for simplicity of working means cheapness, and complication in the machinery of any legislation inevitably produces expense and evil consequences of many kinds. I believe that the system of local government which the Government are anxious to establish throughout the colony is one which will be found to be simple and suited to the wants of the community. When great constitutional changes take place things must be suffered to grow. Perpetual changes are bad. I believe that a simple mode of carrying out the necessary local government of the colony can be founded on the legislation of last session, and it is the duty of every party, if parties can be said to exist in the present condition of the General Assembly, to unite to bring these matters into

regularity and order. Therefore, gentlemen, without reference to any party question, for I scarcely know of one which may be said now to exist in the colony, I shall do my best to endeavor to place the local institutions of the country on a plain, simple, and inexpensive basis. There is one question which is not at all unlikely to crop up during the coming session of the Assembly, a matter we have heard more than once rumored both in the North and in the South. That is the question which is called " Separation," and I cannot tell you the thorough contempt that I entertain for the suggestion as it is made by those people who support it. It seems to me to be so utterly ridiculous as scarcely to deserve discussion. This colony ia essentially intended to be one, by situation, by the mode of its foundation, by the genius of its people, by the character of its institutions, by its resources, and by everything, in point of fact, which could tend to make a united nation. (Cheers.) I should utterly oppose everything tending to Separation, because this cry for Separation is not founded on any sound or patriotic feeling, but is simply intended to subserve the interests of some isolated portions of the colony. It is our duty to maintain the unity of the colony, and I believe that even those who raise a cry for Separation are scarcely aware of the amount of folly and absurdity that is involved in it. There is another question whieh is annually brought prominently under our consideration, and that is finance, coupled with the resources of the colony. Financial questions require a very large amount of study, and it would scarcely be becoming in me to discuss finance, or to express opinions upon the subject excepting of a somewhat general nature, for my occupations are somewhat various and onerous. My time is chiefly devoted to the consideration of, my business, and I have not had the opportunity, indeed I have not sought the opportunity, of mastering the intricate problems which are involved in the finance of a colony like this. The finance of New Zealand has certainly much simpler elements than are involved in the finance of a great country, Nevertheless these problem* are sufficiently complicated to make any man who has not devoted himself to their study cautious of expressing himself in regard to them. Therefore I must be cautious in what I say in the way of criticism of the finances of the country. But there is one thing which I think may fairly be said by anybody, and that is this : Thefinancesof a country in many respeetsresemble those of a large mercantile and trading firm. The success of a country or of a firm largely depends upon the careful management of the finances, and unless in extreme cases, waste is sure to bring disaster. This colony possesses very great* resources—resources which have stood a strain perhaps unexampled in the history of colonies ; resources which hitherto have proved themselves to be equal to that strain ; resources which I believe can be very greatly increased by judicious political action; but nothing, as it appears to me, in the character of our resources would justify anything in the shape of waste. It is especially necessary, looking to the strain which exists on the finances of the country, that the management of its finance should be characterised by moderation and economy ; that while for all purposes of necessity—for all purposes which might properly be contemplated for developingAhe resources of the country—its revenues are ample, its revenues will no more bear wasteful or extravagant expenditure than a private individual or a firm could in the ordinary course of business. Therefore I shall do my best, whatever position I may occupy, whether in the ranks of what is called the Opposition, or as a supporter of the Government, to insist upon rigid economy in administration. (Cheers.) In connection with the finances we must consider the question ©£ taxation. It has become very much the fashion in New Zealand to assume that we must have extra taxation, but I want first to see whether the existing taxation of the country, wisely administered, is sufficient or not before we consider additional taxation. My own opinion is that a much sounder system of finance is likely to exist now that the government of the country may be considered to be concentrated in one hand—applying that term to the General Government of the colony—than it could be at a ti.ne when a number of hands were being put into the purse. Indeed I feel sure that the finances of the country will in the course of a few years, if the Government will put its shoulder to the wheel, meet th&xequirementsof the colony without any additional pressure being placed upon the people, and the system of local government which- is now being established will tend in that direction. I think it extremely wise and proper that the General Government should out of the large resourcesof the colony subsidise loeal institutions—local political bodies, such as road boards and municipalities. I conceive that is a very "wise' thing to do, yet provision is made, and will'be used, for enforcing a considerable amount of taxation upon landed property. That is what will be looked to by all these local /bodies for the purpose of carrying out the ordinary works of the country. Road Boards having charge of district roads, and! County Councils having charge of county roads,-must derive a large proportion of the funds necessary for their construction and maintenance* from the landed property of the country/ If additional taxation should have to be imposed by the General Assembly in aid of itsown requirements, I should be utterly opposed to any distinction in the incidence of taxation being, made which would save one class' of "property at the expense of another. All should contribute alike, real andjieraonal, income and property. (Applause.) There in scarcely an individual in this country who is not an owner .of land ; and it seems to me to be utterly absurd to talk of imposing taxes upon land alone merely because we happen to have here and there some large proprietors owning more than you and I do. If additional taxation has to be imposed, it should be in regard to all classes of property and income there should be a limit to the taxation of income, but all should contribute, in proportion to their means, to the necessities of the State. I think I could point out some directions in which economy might be exercised, but I hold it wiser not to attempt to call attention to any particular items of the general expenditure of the-colony, but to deal rather with generalities in addressing you. It will be my duty, if I have the honor of being your representative, to watch narrowly every item of expenditure with' the .view of checking the abuses which unquestionably exist, and which must exist owing to the patronage possessed by the Government. That brings me to a question of -interest, the Civil Service regulations, which appear to me to be sadly in need of revision. I should like to see the Civil Service of the colony placed as far as possible in the position that it occupies in England ; that there should not be those opportunities of patronage which undoubtedly lead to evil consequences, and subject the Government to a pressure that is constantly brought to bear upon it to make provision for A or B, who otherwise would probably, be walking about the streets unable to gain a living. It .is not proper that the Civil Service of any communityshouldbe made a refuge for the destitute. (Applause). Now, gentlemen, there is another question connected with taxation —one that may be discussed in the abstract but one which I am afraid we cannot look forward to at present. That is the question as to the advantages of direct taxation as opposed to indirect taxation for one purpose, that of keeping the' eyes of the public upon the action of the Treasurer of the country. That is, if the tax-gatherer were going round yearly, or half-yearly, or quarterly, and asking for a sum of money for the purpose of meeting the general ne» cessities of the State,, the people \aculd look very narrowly into the expKjditure. For everything that was expended By "' the Government would be criticised ; every institution,. every work in which it engages!, every scheme in which it embarked, would be criticised very narrowly indeed. And there is this advantage in direct as compared with indirect taxation, it keeps the eye of the people on the actions of the Government, and consequently the Government has to take care that ite actio*' Gs characterised by good,

sound, and careful economy. But there is also a. great advantage in indirect taxation—the taxation of tea, sugar, tobacco, spirits. p 0 r the man who indulges in spirits doesn t think, when he is taking his nobbier, that he is contributing one halfpenny to the revenue of the State when he pays for that nobbier. Every infinitesimal part of a pound that is spent by the people gives something in the way of taxation for the benefit of the State, and although by indirect taxation it is less felt, yet in the long run it is all the same. There is also another advantage in indirect taxation. In this colony, at all events, the revenue is in a very large measure derived from what may be considered, practically speaking, luxuries ; take, for instance, '"'"''Tobacco, brandy, gin, rum, wine -I was going to say that beer was a luxury, but with British people it seems to be very like a necessity—and they all contribute very largely to the revenue of the State. Therefore, those who choose to drink brandy and rum are relieving their fellow citizens from a portion of the general burden. If teetotalism were the practice throughout New Zealand to - morrow, the Government would be in an awful pickle. (Applause and laughter.) At all events, gentlemen, we know that if men will smoke and drink, those who neither drink nor smoke have the advantage of knowing that they are saved a certain amount of taxation. I therefore look upon it as somewhat hopeless to substitute direct for indirect taxation, although founded on sound political economy ; and 1 only mention it to point out that the amount of taxation at present is comparatively little felt by alarge section of the community, because a large proportion of it is derived from the sources to which I have referred. Now, gentlemen, I propose to say a few words with regard to public works. I do not understand how it is that an impression has got into some people’s minds that I am an opponent of the Public Works policy. I saw a gentleman not long ago enter this room in whose mind that impression is very strong. I challenged him then, and am still prepared to challenge him, and put down a £5 note if I have so much in my pockety to produce any recorded speech of mine in which I have expresed myself as being opposed to a proper, good, sound, and well - conducted scheme of public works for developing the resources of the colony ; and if I ever have used any expressions whatever in connection with public works which have appeared to savor of opposition, those expressions were these : that it was the duty of the Government before embarking in any large scheme of public works to have taken the utmost care to see that what was done was done with the view of developing the resources of the country. (Applause.) The only objection I have ever taken to any part of the Public Works scheme initiated by Sir Julins Vogel was that to a certain extent it was used as a

political engine. (Applause). That’s all. But, gentlemen, I have no objection to public ■works. The history of my own career in Nelson and in Canterbury will show that I never was opposed to such a policy. On every occasion I had an opportunity I urged the prosecution of public works. The reason that I left the province of Nelson and went to reside in Canterbury was that the former was a miserable sleepy hollow, in which all the money was used for the purpose of fostering institutions in the immediate vicinity of the city, without an attempt being made to bring into connection with that city the large resources it had in mines and land in districts not far distant. I know of districts within easy reach of which roads could be made, with facilities far exceeding anything that existed in the neighborhood of Wellington, which would have brought into connection with the city large tracts of land of great richness, and to this moment the only communication, after 35 years of existence, between the city of Nelson and these districts is a miserable little steamer which makes a trip once a week. I say, therefore, it was because I found that the place was one in which no man with any amount of what the French call “verve” in his composition could live, that I made up my mind to leave it, and seek some field in which there was a larger sphere of activity. [Mr. Travers then told the meeting of some of the impressions made upon him when he arrived in Canterbury.] I was astonished to find that even in Canterbury there was a certain amount of apathy, although the people enjoyed enormous revenues. And, gentlemen, it was due to the activity and energy of my friend Mr. Moorhonse that a better state of things was brought about. He is indeed the father of progress in Canterbury ; and, gentlemen, it is necessary that public works in this province should be pushed ahead. Until we in Wellington are brought into communication by railway with Masterton, Wanganui, and the interior, we shall have to go to other places for supplies, while at the same time we have enormous tracts of fertile land which, if proper and efficient communication were established, would discharge its wealth of produce into this city, and proportionately increase its importance as a commercial centre of the colony. (Applause.) I never was an opponent of public works ; I was always in favor of developing the resources of the country, and opening up the land for settlement, and indulging what is known as the instinct of the immigrant. He looks forward to being the owner of a piece of land. He wants it for himself, to settle on it. He looks forward to settling his children »n the land, and handing it down from generation to generation. (Applause.) But, gentlemen, I should always oppose any attempt to curry favor with any section of the community by spending money on works absolutely unnecessary, and 1 should resist every effort to spend money in a manner which I considered not calculated to develop the country’s resources. But whenever public works could be beneficially carried out, they would have my hearty support. Did I not urge the completion of the railway from hereto the Wairarapa? Who was loudest in his advocacy of that work, I ask 1 I was, gentlemen. I spoke of it when addressing you as a candidate for your suffrages at the last general election. I said as plainly as I could that if it fell to my lot to occupy the position ♦f your representative . in the General Assembly I should think it my first duty to urge upon the Government the completion of those lines of railway which would bring the richest and fairest districts in the whole colony into communication with Wellington, the natural terminus Further, I can appeal t:» one or two gentlemen I see here now as to whether I was not the first to whom the idea presented itself of vesting in the Corporation of the city of Wellington a tract of land commonly known as the Te Aro reclamation. I urged the City Council to pass a resolution to that effect, and ask the Government to grant it. I urged that if Wellington was brought into communication with the outlying districts, the whole area of this city would not be sufficient for the purpose of carrying on the trade and commerce that would be developed. I pointed out the necessity of carrying out that work of reclamation, because I felt that there would not be standing room for the business premises that must necessarily' arise when the railway lines were opened up to the northward and to the westward. I feel sure that Wellington as it increases (as it must) will occupy a position in the colony of which very few people have the least conception. It was not, gentiefnan, with a selfish feeling that I urged this point. When I travel through country such as that of Manawatu-Rangitikei and Wanganui, the large tracts of country that border on the Ruamahunga River, the rich and fertile land lying on the northern side of the Wairarapa Plains, and when I think of their almost limitless power of production in the form of agricultural produce—then I say it makes one feel desirous to possess Aladdin’s lamp in order to discover some good genii who would make a hole through the hill with a patent drill, and so construct the much needed line in a few minutes. But as there is no chance of our becoming possessed of such a patent, we have to depend on the thews and sinews of the navvies, and I believe that the Government will do all that is reasonable. But I do not believe in the doctrine propounded by Mr. Hunter—that we in Wellington should be modest in our demands for fear of creating jealousy on thepartoftheNorthortheSonth. It may not be an elegant way of [putting it, but I say bother the North and South, What have we to do with them 1 1 say when we ask some-

• thing in the nature of a favor let us be modest, be humble and civil ; but when we want our rights let us be clamorous. In asking that Wellington should be brought into communicntion with its resources inland, we are not seeking favors, as they are commonly known; we are asking for our rights. It is a matter that affects the colony at large; for whatever benefits one portion of the colony is sure to benefit the whole. But, gentlemen, these resources will never receive their complete development until the communication to which I have already at length referred is thoroughly established ; and I lay it before you whether I or the Mayor shall be your representative in Parliament to look after your interests in this" and other matters. Intimately connected with the Public Works question is the settlement of the land. I am not going to sketch schemes of settlement for you, but refer you to a late publication of Mr. Gibbon Wakefield, a man of great mind, and one whose talents are being recognised by the leading men in Europe. If you wish to read about the settlement of land, you should read a book written by him, and entitled "The Art of Colonisation," in which the schemes at letting land at a rental and selling it on deferred payments at a fixed price are fully discussed. It is the duty of the Legislature to do all it can to render available the waste lands of the eolony for the settlement of the people ; and that can best be done by earring out in a satisfactory and proper manner a scheme of public works, because unless the works exist the land cannot be available. Now, gentlemen, I am going to say a few words about a subject which will come home to all of you before long. I allude to what is being done with the Survey Department of the provincial district of Wellington. I had occasion about a fortnight ago to rf-ad a paper at a meeting of the Philosophical Society of Wellington, on the subject of the system of surveys in New Zealand, looking at k from a legal point of view ; and I incurred great displeasure in certain quarters because I was, and am, prepared to recognise the great services rendered to New Zealand by Mr. Jackson, the chief surveyor of this department. I do not speak on my own authority, but on that of Major Palmer, a gentleman who stands pre-emii ent among scientific men in Europe. That gentleman has pointed out that Mr. Jackson rescued from absolute chaos the surveys of the provincial district of Wellington. He has organised in the past eight or nine years a staff of men who are thoroughly competent and diligent in their work, and has succeeded in bringing io order a mass of confusion. I say therefore it is a monstrous thing that that system should be broken up simply because it does not suit the particular views or idiosyncracies of the gentleman who happens to be appointed chief surveyor of the colony. I speak plainly—l speak plainly because I feel strongly on this subject. There are hundreds upon hundreds of sections in the districts of Wanganui, Wairarapa, and Manawatu which are at this moment lying without Crown grants ; the people not knowing accurately their boundaries, and being unable, therefore, to tell where they are to put up their fences ; in fact, no man really knows whether he is the owner of this or that piece of land. And the arrangements made by Mr. Jackson for introducing order where confusion now reigns are all being absolutely thrown to the winds, because, forsooth, he does not agree with the gentleman who happens to be hi 3 superior officer. If you are wise, therefore, you will make an outcry about it, in which all Wellington should join, and back tip your Waste Lands Board in an ' endeavor to effect some change. I say it is most important to all, whether engaged in business or in trade, that the titles to land should be put in a sound and satisfactory positon ; and that was in a fair way of being done when this improper interference took place. I may not be elected, gentlemen, and should I not be, I hope you will urge upon your representative to enquire into this matter, and so far as I am concerned I promise you that I will use mj utmost endeavors to work some improvement. If you want a thorough Investigation made regarding the survey question you will elect me, and if you do not want it to be made a subject of enquiry you will reject me. Now I will Bay a few words on another subject with which I may be supposed to be more familiar than surveys. I recently read a paper on the subject of New Zealand surveys before the Philosophical Society. I was keel-hauled by a gentleman who was present on the occasion, and I lost my temper. It is always a foolish thing to lose one's temper, but I sincerely believe that some men who could withstand the rush of an elephant would feel aggravated when they are punctured by a flea. (Laughter). I will not lose my temper on this occasion, however. I may not be able to take an accurate observation with a theodolite, but I understand pretty well the nature of the operation that is to be performed. When I read my paper I was told that I was a better lawyer than surveyor. Now I shall leave that subject, and say a few words about our laws. I am tolerably familiar with the laws of New Zealand. The laws of New Zealand were described graphically to me by a person who was once a partner of mine. He was a great ass, but he was strongly recommended to me, and I accepted him as my partner. Nevertheless he was a good lawyer and an intellectual man, and he described the laws of this colony as being hocus-pocus, higgeldy-piggeldy, and hugger-mugger. (Laughter.) Some people's houses were " higgeldy-piggeldy," but mine iß.not, although I am bound to admit that the laws with which I have to deal are. There is a man who has compiled the laws of the Imperial and New Zealand Parliaments, and, to use a slang word, they are the greatest " caution " going. I took the trouble to make a rough calculation from his work, and I find that there are no fewer than 940 Acts of the New Zealand Parliament and 190 of the Imperial Parliament which have been repealed. Therefore, you will see that a great number of Acts of Parliament have been repealed during the past twenty years as being entirely useless. There are also 680 Acts of the New Zealand Parliament, and 240 Acts of the Imperial Parliament, ranging from the reign of Henry 111. in 1225, still in operation in New Zealand. I will ask jou, where is the man who understands them ? I have been often asked by my clients, " Have you ever read this or that statute ?" and I have replied, " Certainly not. I never read them till you came here, and then I read them in comfort." I do so because I can read them comfortably, and it iB costly to my clients. (Laughter.) I do not think there is a lawyer in New Zealand who would venture to stand beside me on this platform and declare that he has mastered a tithe of the laws. We find that when the author of a statute gets tired of his work he pops in a clause to the effect that if any farther information is wanted on any subject it | will be found in the Government Gazette, in a proclamation issued by the Governor in Council ; in fact, there is a whole mass of hidden law which no lawyer in New Zealand can understand. I hope that before long something may be done to improve the state of the law. We have been for a long time strivingto arrive at a scheme for the drainage' of the city, andJC hope that on the same prin- | ciple -somebody will rise and take into their employ some legal Daniel Climie, who will set the laws to rights. The breed of lawyers is increasing in New Zealand rapidly, but they are generally better educated lawyers than they were, and it is no disadvantage to have educated lawyers in the House of Representatives. Educated lawyers would try to have the laws mnde plain, so that they might be easily understood. The better the lawyer is educated the better it will be for the people, because they will reap the benefit of sounder advice. I can safely say that no highly educated lawyer likes confusion iu the law—in fact, he prefers simplicity. As far as education is concerned, T have to say that in these days I do not consider it necessary to impress upon the people the necessity of having their children educated. We all know its advantages. I believe there is scarcely any man in the community who looks upon education as being of no advantage to the community. My own opinion is that the higher the education is the better the duties in every station of life are performed. It is the impression of a good many people that it is the duty of the State to make provision for the education of the people, and

my own impression is that so long as that is the duty of the State the State ought to make education compulsory. (Applause.) There are, however, a wretched few to be found in every community who if called upon to pay will neglect the advantages that are to be derived from education. Therefore, every man without distinction as to whether he is poor or rich should be compelled to send his children to school in order that they may receive that amount of education which is the absolutely necessary basis of more extended knowledge. That is the right of the State. I will tell you why. There are a large number who have lived and died uneducated, but who, had they been educated, might have exercised an influence, if not in the world, at all events in the circles in which they moved. The State is interested to see that a foundation is laid which is calculated to bring out power that is latent in the children. The State should see that the children should have that amount of instruction which would enable them to develope the latent power within them. I am sure the day will come when it will not be necessary for the State to make education compulsory, and when the whole body of the people will have seen the advantage of education, and when nothing but inability to pay the necessary expenses will prevent them from voluntarily sending their children to school. But there must be in every community a class of people who have not the means of educating their children, and it is the duty of the State in such eases to provide for them. If there is one point upon which I have always held a decided opinion it is that no religious instruction should be given in the State schools. I say that if I, as 'a man who is consulted by hundreds in the course of a year, a man who is trusted with the management of the affairs of the people, a man who gives advice Hot only on his knowledge of law, but also on his knowledge of the world ; I say that a man whose word is taken in all these matters should be believed when he stands upon a platform before 500 people and gives his opinion on a question of this sort. Some people say—" He is a lawyer. He will give one opinion to-day and another to-morrow;" bub my opinion is that while the State has charge of the education of the people it has no business to mix up the religious element in it in any shape or in any form. (Applause). I differ from the Mayor in one point. Ido not undervalue religious instruction ; my own children receive religious instruction ; but I contend that that instruction should not be given in the State schools, and it would be better if the schools were not used for any purpose of this kind. I consider that the State should provide for the education of the people when necessary, but I say that while the State has that duty imposed on it it ought not to introduce the element of religion into it. These arc my opinions, and I shall not repeat them, and if I am not to be believed when I make a declaration of this sort on such an occasion, I hope I may be told so, and I shall retire from this contest altogether. These are all the subjects of general interest which have occurred to me, and it would not be right for me to detain you for any length of time in referring to any others. I may, however, be permitted to refer to a few local matters. I know perfectly well that this meeting may have some effect in determining this election, but I shall hold meettings at other places, when I shall be prepared to be catechised upon various questions. I can only can that if you elect me, and any important questions should arise in regard to which I think the opinion of the electors should be taken, I shall invite you to meet me and discuss them. [Mr. Travers then referred at some length to local matters. He reminded the electors that he had always advocated the extension of the Wairarapa railway, so that communication might be established with the outlying districts. He admitted that the members of the City Council were intelligent and deserving men, and praised them for their efforts to improve the condition of the city. He agreed with Mr. Pearce that Wellington should have a Town Hall, but thought that the streets should be improved first. He was also strongly of opinion that a Harbor Board Bhould be established to take charge of the harbor. He thought the city was to be congratulated on the fact that it was well lighted and well watered ; in fact, it was improving daily. He intimated his intention of supporting any measure calculated to improve the condition of the city which might be brought forward.] Mr. Travers continued : I am afraid that I have already trespassed too long upon your time. I have endeavored to exhaust what I considered : to be* the subjects which were of the greatest interest to you. I may add that I have a better knowledge now than when I addressed you a few years ago, of what would be best for you, and if you elect me I shall do all ia my power to deserve yotir confidence. The duration of the prepent Parliament is only four years, and at the expiration of that time you will ihave an opportunity of judging of my work. If you find that I have been neglectful you will be able to say so, and to show that you think I am not a fit person to represent you by refusing to re-elect me. I am extremely obliged to you for listening to me so patiently, and if any of you like to put any questions to me I shall now be most happy to answer themi (Loud and continued applause). In reply to a question, Mr. Travers stated that he would not be inclined to propose triennial Parliaments himself ; but if it was the wish of the people that the Parliaments should only be. of three years duration, he would not oppose a motion to the effect that each Parliament should not last longer than . three years. stated, in reply to an elector, that he thought Wellington _ should have three representatives in Parliament, instead of only two. He did not consider that this city was fully represented in comparison with other parts of the colony. Mr. J. Dransfield after a few preliminary remarks moved, —That in the opinion of this meeting, Mr. Travers is a fit and proper person to represent this city in the Parliament of New Zealand.

Mr. G. Allen seconded the motion, which was carried unanimously.

A.vote of thanks to the Chairman ternrl nated the proceedings.