FEDERATION OF THE EMPIRE.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXXI, Issue 4910, 16 December 1876, Page 3

FEDERATION OF THE EMPIRE.

(From the Morning Advertiser, Oct. 9.) What is to be the future political relationship between Great Britain and her colonies ? When it is remembered that, if the policy of Imperial federation of Great Britain and her colonies were successfully carried out, the British Empire would be the first Power in the world, it must be admitted that an overwhelming argument is advanced in favor of the earliest possible consideration of so grand a scheme. If a scheme of confederation of neighboring States had never been tried elsewhere, or where tried had not succeeded, there would be sufficient justification for hesitating to approach tho consideration of such a scheme. But there is abundant evidence to the contrary. In America, in Switzerland, and in our colonies amongst themselves, confederation has admirably succeeded. A recent example of the successful operation of the principle is furnished in the case of the new German Empire. The power and prestige of that Empire have been vastly increased by confedeiation. Yet, notwithstanding that the work of consolidating it presented difficulties which, in many respects, were greater than those which would have to be encountered in carrying out a plan 'of federation ofJGreat Britain and her colonies, the work was successfully and satisfactorily accomplished. Indeed, so far as we are concerned, the way is partly prepared by the success of the plans of confederation which have been adopted in our own colonies. It now only remains to crown this work by the institution of a great scheme of confederation, and the institution of an “Imperial Parliament,” which would have jurisdiction over the whole of the British dominions. Defence of the Empire thus to be created would, of course, be the chief object of federation, and it is easy to see that we should, thus united, occupy an impregnable position among the nations of the world, and wield a power that would be resistless. It is, at the same time, important to remember that the cost of an Imperial system of defence would be considerably less than the existing expenditure on separate armaments, and it would not be a matter of difficulty properly to adjust, amongst the various contributories to the Imperial defence fund, the amount to be levied on each. Indeed, the idea of an Imperial navy for the maritime defence of Great Britian and her colonies has already been suggested, as an independent scheme, and quite apart, from any’general plan of confederation, and we believe that our colonies would have been ready to contribute in ships their share to such a navy. There are, of course, many objectors to so grand a scheme as that of the Imperial federation of this country with her colonies, and all sorts of difficulties have been suggested, calculated, according to the views of these objectors, to render such a system of. federation impracticable. Amongst these alleged difficulties, one of the chief concerns the question of adequate representation. The suggestion has been made of a “Colonial Council,” composed of representatives of the’colonies, who should meet inLondon, and advise the Colonial Secretary on all matters relating to the colonies. But this is perhaps the least desirable of the various proposals which have been made for giving effect to a system of federation, for under such a plan there would not apparently be any security that the Colonial Secretary would always listen to the advice of the proposed Council. .An Imperial Parliament, or Council of the Empire, would be the most fitting hody to represent the United British dominions. We need not here discuss in detail the question as to how this Imperial Parliament should be elected, although we may remark that at first sight a plan which would provide for the election of the representatives in the Council of the Empire by the members of the local or provincial Parliaments—that is to say, the separate Parliaments of the United Kingdom and of the colonies, instead of by the direct votes of the popular constituencies—would -appear to offer the opportunity of securing the beat men for an Imperial Council. The United Kingdom could still retain—and it would be right that she should retain—the greatest preponderance in the Imperial Parliament; and the colonies could not reasonably object to give the mother ■country this position. All local or provincial affairs could still be managed by the provincial Parliaments. That is to say, the English. (Parliament could still legislate on internal matters for England, Scotland, and Ireland, • and the. Parliaments of the colonies would similarly legislate for them. The object of these remarks, however, is not so much to discuss or advocate any particular plan of Imperial federation as to urge the desirability, hay the necessity, of giving the earliest consideration to some scheme for affecting the permanent consolidation of our glorious Empire, which would then be far greater and mere powerful than was the Roman Empire when in the very zenith of its power and prosperity. The subject is, indeed, a great one, and one which demands the earnest and thoughtful attention of the people of this country, and of those who inhabit her colonial dominions.