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New Zealand Times, Volume XXX, Issue 4605, 23 December 1875, Page 2

The speech, of Mr. Bowen, at Kaiapoi, was an able one. It went rather more into detail on matters of general policy than the speeches delivered by any of his colleagues. Our space, however, does not admit of republishing it, but the following points will be read with interest. Speaking of the proposed Local Government Bill, Mr. Bowen said : The Government hoped the shire councils -would be able to aid in the local administration all over the country ; that they should also take up all administration than can be possibly managed locally; that they should have not merely the revenue of the laud fund to spend, and, if necessary, to distribute amongst the road boards without their borders, but should also have the power to raise loans on special rates for special works ; that they should have main roads and bridges to attend to, and that they should have the power to make, if necessary, branch railways or any necessary works except the great trunk lines within their borders ; that they, should have the power to raise tolls if it be found necessary, and that generally they should have all the powers of administration and management of say navigable waters, or whatever is within their borders as would be the case now with regard to the provinces ; by all of which he thought they would find that tho administration would be more localised than under the present provincial system. • This programme is undoubtedly a comprehensive one, and if the Government succeed in passing a Bill conferring such extended powers of local administration as are indicated therein, it will confer a great boon upon the country. Mr. Bowen pronounced the Opposition proposals to be impracticable, and in some cases positively absurd. Referring to the action of the Opposition last session, and to their electoral platform, he said : The reason given by (he Opposition for their stand against the Abolition Bill last session was that an appeal should be made to the people, but where was that appeal to the people? Where was that party whose leader was going to die on the floor of the House ? Now the war had come, where was their camp ? They have folded their tents like the Arabs, and as silently stolen away. There were other parties, Separationists, and four Dominion men, and these were men who wanted to cat their province out of the colony and erect a separate colony. The proposal for two provinces, and a federal government proceeded from the Superintendents of Otago and Auckland, aud meant that the South Island should be governed from Dunedin, and the North from Auckland. Was that local government? One scheme was that the two islands should be divided into four provinces. That Otago take part of South Canterbury, while the area of Canterbury shall bo increased by the addition of Nelson, Marlborough, and Westland, and that in the North Hawke's Bay and Taranaki shall be divided between Auckland and Wellington. He did not know how you can call that self-government. There was good reason in the early days for dividing separate settlements that had grown up into provinces, but he did not know what to say of a scheme like this, which is to carve New Zealand into separate dominions as if New Zealand was made for superintendents and not superintendents for New Zealand. No dynasty intoxicated by hereditary prestage or successful war ever propounded so outrageous a scheme to any people That scheme came also from Otago. The Superintendent of Otago is the schemer. He only shadowed it out, but there is a scheme still dearer to him than either of these—namely, that Otagoshould become a separate colony, independent of New Zealand—and he had no doubt that some of the people there think that, with him as their prophet and their king they would have nothing more to desire. He could not think Sir George Grey's declaration to the people of Auckland was serious, because he knew the meaning of the word "federation." There might be a federation of sovereign states, who may each determine to give up a certain amount of sovereignty for the sake of union ; but how on earth could there be federation of provinces whose existence was established by the very Act that created a General Assembly to overrule them ! It is a contradiction in terms, and there can be absolutely no such thing as federation in a country like New Zealand. The Minister for Justice next alluded to the financial criticism, by the Opposition leaders, and showed its fallacy. He vindicated the native administration of Sir D. McLean, who had " saved peace, " which meant millions, to the country." Touching upon the incidence of taxation, Mr. Bowen expressed an opinion that the present taxation did not bear severely or heavily on any part of the population, although he thought that as soon as possible there should be a reduction in Customs duties. But this was not the time for it, as the country had entered into large engagements. He would, however, favor a property tax, if further taxation was necessary. On two points of great importance, touched on by the Colonial Treasurer at New Plymouth the other day, Mr. Bowen made a clear declaration of policy. He said : Railway loans had been made a charge on the land revenue, and rightly so. They were localised. It was far better for provinces that have paying railways that they should be a charge upon the land fund than that they should be paying out of revenue for railways in those provinces where they do not pay ; and, at tho same time, it is some check on the demands for railways that will not pay. They are charged on land revenue, and if Government called for further taxation it is not to meet the public creditor, but to relieve the land fund in order to create a larger public works fund. Another source of revenue was land revenue, which he hoped to be a continuous one, and which would soon be considerably augmented. Ho had been told it was at an end, but did not think anything of the kind. He thought with such large landed estate, railways opening up the country, and a lino climate, the demand for land would continue so long as there was land to sell. He thought revenue from pastoral estate would be increased as soon as the leases would expire in 1880, and it was time to consider how the estate shall then be dealt with. The Government ought to act like prudent landlords, and get the best revenue it could, but taking care not to damage it by pauperising their tenantry. He would not be prepared to grant long leases, as it would interfere with the sales of land, but to let the runs in such a way as not to interfere with the free selection of land by the public. His opinion was that the whole country must be assessed to ascertain the number of sheep each piece of country is capable of carrying, taking the average of a certain number of years, and that then it should be determined what is a fair price to put per head on every sheep that country will carry. We have in the foregoing extract a declaration of the intentions of tho Government on two important questions, namely, that it may become necessary to tax property for the purpose of creating security for a large public works fund, and that the Government mean to consorve the public estate. Regarding the first, until the proposal assumes something like a definite shape, we refrain from expressing any decided opinion. It is merely a floating idea, to be worked out in practical detail before the Assembly meets. That more money must bo found to complete our railway system is beyond doubt, and that the land should in some way bear the charge is equally indisputable. We suspect, however, that this question will be difficult of solution. It will give a groat deal of troublo, and involve an entire revision of tho incidence of taxation. Ministers appear to have given it serious thought, as it was referred to by Major Atkinson as well as by Mr. Bowen. After touching upon tho public debt of New Zealand, and expressing an opinion that the country could well afford a larger expenditure on public works and immigration, Mr. Bowen alluded to tho constitution of tho Legislative Council,

and said that although he did not admire it, he saw nothing tetter at present. This conviction had been forced upon him by the obstructive attitude of the elective second chamber of Tasmania and Victoria, corresponding to our Legislative Council. On the question of education the Minister of Justice said : He hoped in future to see education made a colonial question, and the cost of school buildings placed not only upon the present generation, but upon future generations ; and therefore he thought it a fair object for which to raise a loan. He hoped to see permanent and solid school buildings, and thought the annual charge for their maintenance should be borne by the consolidated fund. It will not be the business of the Government to rush hastily and recklessly into the destruction of systems of education where they are working well in different provinces ; but it will be their duty to supervise the educational system throughout the colony, and establish boards wherever they are not established now for local administration, wherever those powevers do not at present exist, and gradually to look forward to the time when a thoroughly national scheme of education may be established throughout the country. After referring to the Debtor and Creditors Act, and to the vote of £IO,OOO for a Central Penal Establishment, Mr. Bowbn concluded as follows : Gentlemen, the prospect of unity in the colony has for the first time evoked a feeling of interest through the colony. You have had the wants of the country intelligently discussed from one end of the colony to the other ; you will no longer hear a veteran membor of the House get up and say he did not understand the finances of the colony. It will no longer bo possible for bodies of men to come into the House simply with the desire of obtaining all they can for their own provinces, irrespective of the general good. I think I need now only briefly summarise what is the position of the Government. AVe have stated our policy very distinctly indeed. It is this: The securing of the unity of the colony with economy, based on the consolidation of offices and concentration of legislative power, with a maximum of local administration. As far as I can gather the policy of the Opposition from their many mouthpieces is disunion of the colony at any price, and multiplication of Parliaments at the expense of local administration. I have very little doubt what the choice of the people will be ; and, gentlemen, with regard to the question of my candidature here to-night, I may say that I do not for a moment suppose that you have any intention of altering the deliberate decision which you came to only a year ago. ("No,, no." and cheers.) It is only a year ago that you returned me to the House of Representatives, and since the session I have had very handsome offers of support from several constituencies, but my invariable answer has been that I was bound to this district, and that I had not the slightest idea this district was one of those fickle constituencies that turn their representative out without any reason whatever. I can only assure you that if-1 am again returned as your member, I will endeavor to do my duty, and use my best exertions not only for your interests, but for those of • the whole country. (Loud cheers.)