SIR GEORGE GREY AND HIS CONSTITUENTS.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXX, Issue 4585, 30 November 1875, Page 2

SIR GEORGE GREY AND HIS CONSTITUENTS.

(BY ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.) (PEE PRESS AGENCY.) Auckland, Monday. About a thousand persons were present at the Choral Hall to hear Sir George Grey’s speech. On the motion of Mr. Swanson, Mr. Robert Graham took the chair. Nearly all the leading men of the city and many Maori chiefs were on the platform. Grey was received with deafening cheers, all standing. In opening his remarks, he referred to the circumstance which brings him out, and said that at the present critical state of affairs no man should refuse to do his duty. He thanked the constituency for placing him in a position of independence, by leaving him wholly unfettered, and he said confidently that no man had ever asked him for a single favor. He said they know that the Assembly, in which Auckland was imperfectly represented, had resolved to change the freedom they enjoyed of electing their own administrators into a servitude under' which the Ministry, without reference to the people, might nominate any one they choose. They determined to do that, without giving the people an opportunity of expressing their wishes. He characterised that action as a crime—a crime against the whole human race —for it was an innovation ; and he was surprised, night after night, to hear one member after another get up and declare their intention to carry such a monstrous Act, an Act which was unheard of in any free community, and which he was convinced that the Assembly had no power to carry out. If a few determined men would stand by him, then the change should not take place. Through the efforts of many noble men, the people had secured to them the right of determining their future. He said he had not heard one good argument in favor of abolishing institutions which afford the most perfect system of representation and government of the people. He spoke at some length on the slow but steady development of free institutions. It was impossible to compare the circumstances of the colony to those of Great Britain. The Governor could not bo compared to the Queen, Then what hereditary aristocracy had they here to form an Upper House ? (Loud cheers and derisive laughter.) Did they suppose for a moment that if it was left to the people of Knglaud now to set up an Upper House that they would constitute such an Upper House, and pay them as they were asked to do ? At the present there was a sort of equality among the people of New Zealand, which he was glad to see, and if a rich man married a poor man s daughter neither he nor she was looked down upon, but if they were to sot up an aristocracy

servicf *** dered that they should P raised Tp above their fellow-men tt. 5 the amount of scrutiny to whteh mgs of Parbament in Britain were subjected the people for months. Even filtered by Government. He cited as an instance of unjustifiable procedure indemnifying members of the Legislate from proceedings which might be Wriri Til r br - eakin ff th « law. No report of the discussion in committee ou that Bin would appear in Mansard. The Bill set out by stating that the Act was to indemnify certain members, but the Act actually indemnifies the whole of the Assembly w,, such a thing ever heard : that a dyimr p ar j;„ ment should take such steps to protect themselves from the operation of the law. He suggested in committee that the names of those indemnified should be set out, but it was rejected. There were many of them, and they did not wish to hold them up to obloquy. He then induced Mr. Sheehan to move that those members who did not intend to avail themselves of the indemnity might give public notice, and that not doing so would deprive he “.° f ‘ he "? ht to P lead indemnity • but the Assembly rejected that proposal with the greatest score. _ There was no report of all this m the official reports, and the people were m ignorance of it. Such things would never be attempted in England. He entered at length into the Piako Swamp question, and said the action of the Government in that sale was contrary to law. He also spoke of the purchase of native lands. He said he had been accused by the Ministry with the greatest contumely of having advocated wholesale confiscation. What constituted the grounds of that charge? They had entrusted £750,000 to certain agents to purchase lauds for the public under the pre-emption of the Crown, and if that power was used to benefit private indivlduals, he contended that the law customary between any comtnissiou agent and his employers should be enforced, and that in proposing that those lands should be handed over to the Government, upon reimbursing the agents such private expenses as they had actually incurred, he only proposed what was right. He reviewed all these points, and he entered into the manner of raising the revenue, and said that Auckland was charged with being impecunious. But how were they impecunious ? Only because they were called upon to meet the enormous expenses of that ravenous monster in Wellington. If they were erected into a colony by themselves, and had a Customs revenue, they would be a wealthy community. (Loud cheers.) He quoted from Macandrew’s pamphlet the assertion that the runholders in the South supported abolition because they would be able to get their large runs leased again on better terms than they could do from the Provincial Governments. If those runs were not again leased they would most probably he cut up into small sheep farms for the benefit of the people. Alluding to the subsidies promised to road boards and municipalities, he characterised them as bribes, but only such as might be offered by nurses to children. He proceeded to show that these subsidies must come out of taxation, and the so-called endowment was thus directly taken out of their own pockets. These subsidies had hitherto been drawn fromloans, for which they would have to pay very dearly. It might be said that a land tax or property tax might remedy this, but when he proposed to lessen individual taxation by this means he was met by objections, to which he replied that they wanted men who would do this. He contended that there was no difficulty in reducing the estimates by £150,000, as Mr. Reader Wood would bear him out. As for the future, at present it would be impolitic to "attempt to map out any actual policy. The day after the next session of Parliament closes, the provinces will be abolished. Before then a great many contingencies are to come into force. We do not quite know how the next Parliament may be constituted, or who will be the Minister. We- do not feel certain at all that abolition will take place. That is yet a question in the womb of time, and has to he determined by the constituencies of New Zealand. Strictly speaking, it is the Government who should tell you what kind of Government they would set up. The Government should have gone to the country with that, but next session we are to be surprised with exactly what was attempted last session. Now, under such circumstances what is our duty ? In my opinion—l speak to electors of Auckland City West, and I say onr duty is very plain and very simple—our duty is this : the law of the affairs of an empire is that if the federation is broken up, without the consent of the different bodies comprising that federation, each part of the confederation shall determine whether it will enter into the new federation or not, and upon what terms it will do so. Now, supposing the Government had taken this view, that they had proposed certain forms of government, and had gone to the provinces with it, and that each Provincial Council had passed a law having been expressly returned for that purpose, you would have been bound by that; but if the provinces are only abolished by the Assembly, we have a right, as free men, to determine ourselves whether we will or will not enter into such federation as the General Assembly may send before us. If an attempt is made to force Auckland into the confederation contrary to its interest, the wrongs you have suffered, the unjust dealings with the lands which have taken place, will give an immense claim upon the sympathy of the Empire, upon the Queen and Parliament at Home, and will ensure your voice being heard as to what your own wishes for your, future destiny may be. This is one of the cardinal points which you should keep in view. I will put various projects before you. The idea that if Auckland were an absolutely separate colony, as Queensland is separated from New South Wales, she would be one of the greatest and most prosperous of colonies. [He here spoke of aptitude shown by Auckland in past times for selfgovernment.] I believe it is. impossible to devise institutions in the present day which should not, in some respects, do wrong; but I do think, and having that faith, I have the support of the greatest mind in Europe that it would be possible by degrees to educate the people to. be fitted for a higher state of institutions than any now enjoyed in any part of the world. He instanced the free state of Greece as the most perfect Government known. He asserted his unhesitating belief that if Auckland was made a free city, with only the harbors of Auckland and the Manukau and the adjacent land, we would raise up a community as great as Carthage. If within these limits the power of establishing free trade and the extension of our commerce were given to us, we should even within these small limits rise to a greatness that would astonish mankind. I may toll you that some of the greatest minds in the last Assembly believed that under existing circumstances, and in view of the shock given to provincial institutions, that the best solution of the difficulty would be the self separation of New Zealand into two States—(loud cheers) — and that each island have, in due subordination to Great Britain, absolutely sovereign powers within itself, and that it should yield up no portion of its powers, except strictly federal ones, to a small General Government sitting at Wellington, simply to regulate Customs duties, post-office dues, and certain subjects ofthatkind; andthat,likethe Statesof America, each island should be sovereign within its own limits, and that the General Assembly be the servant of the two islands, not able to take away any powers from them, but only receiving such powers as may by joint agreement be given them. With such a General Assembly and a Government, the members being small in number, and meeting but tor short periods of time, and dealing on these few points, there would be but little difficulty in carrying out such a plan. Even some leading men at Wellington have signified their entire acquiescence, and that in case of Auckland being made the capital of the Northern Island, the federal Government retains its seat at Wellington. He would feel it his duty to accord with this if public sentiment were in that direction, although he would sacrifice something of his own feelings.

Ho would see a chance of prosperity being restored to New Zealand, and the North having its own revenue spent among them. He thought this was a scheme which the people should bend theirminds to; they would have two Legislatures in the North Island, one at '\cJlin°ton and the other at Auckland, sitting under the direct eye of the public, whose welfare their actions affected. They would seo again Auckland able to spend her fair share of money, and able to avail herself of all advantages. It was a melancholy thing for him to see no road to the districts near his habitation, and to see residents like savages in canoes, waiting at points on the journey to sen P r ° duce to Auckland. Therefore,- m all the province hisheart yearned to have a (Afferent state of things. It was for this that he recom U,. pl.n VUv l~k of industry had been opened to the human race,'sncli as California, Japan, China, and Australasia. Look at the position of Auckland, situated in the highway of two oceans teemino- with riches, with resources of coal, tiS and gold-all that the heart could desire What a destiny lay before Auckland if the people would be true to themselves. Would they do this, and use their best efforts to arrive at a decision that would be for the benefit of New Zealand. He did not ask them to go with him if they disapproved of his suggestions, he could go back o retirement if they still were unwilling to aid him in his efforts for the good of the colony. His services were still at their disposal (Prolonged cheering.) A vote of confidence was passed amidst great enthusiasm. On the motion of Grey, a vote of confidence was also passed in Dignan. Three cheers for Grey and three cheers for separation concluded the meeting.