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New Zealand Times, Volume XXX, Issue 4532, 29 September 1875, Page 2

Among the publications received by the last Californian mail was the report of the proceedings at the Cobdcn Club dinner, Mr. Baxter, M.P., in the chair. The publication is of interest to us in New Zealand, the efforts of the Cobden Club being directed to the dissemination of sound principles of social economy and finance*. We are pleased to find that the efforts of our progressive neighbors of New South Wales, in the direction of free trade, have been duly recognised by the Cobden Club, the ex-Premier, Mr. Pabkes, being enrolled on the honorary list of members, and awarded ‘ ‘ the gold medal for distin- “ guished services rendered to Free “ Trade principles.” This news is some-

what stale, however. -The transaction in question took place last year, but it is none the less worthy of mention at the present time. Such a distinguished mark of recognition by' the Cobclen Club,_ is in itself an honor of which any colonial statesman might well feel proud. The surplus funds of the Cobden Club have been spent in printing and circulating essays and publications calculated to promote Free Trade principles all over the world, and the list of publications circulated at large cost by its instrumentality, and the growing interest taken in the subject, prove conclusively that this agency has not been applied in vain. It is however, we are assured, only in its infancy; and we can only say that if the same measure of intelligent discrimination bo shown in the selection of Free Trade publications in the future that characterised the judgment of the committee in this respect in the past, the friends of Free Trade, and social and economic reform on all parts of the earth’s surface, will have reason to focl’gratoful. But while we accord the fullest meed of praise to the distinguished men who direct the policy of the Cobden Club, we must take exception to the narrow trading view of national duty taken by the Chairman, Mr. Baxter, when speaking of the national forces of England. His theory was anything but patriotic, and addressed to a common sense people it was anything but flattering to their intelligence. Doubtless, there was much wisdom in the remark that it was the duty of a prudent statesman to practice a wise economy in the great spending departments; —to “husband the national re- “ sources in times of profound peace, “ and so set free the springs of industry “ and lessen the burdens of the people.” “ I need not dilate to this enlightened “ assembly,” Mr. Baxter remarked, “upon the dangers to nations from pro- “ fuse and reckless expenditure of public “ money. History tells us in many a ‘ ‘ melancholy page howmuch such a policy “ has tended to the decline and fall of “States. We all admit the theory.” Not a doubt of it; but the bulk of the British people will not go the length of admitting, as Mr. Baxter proposed, that in pursuance of “the Manchester policy,” England should withdraw altogether from interference in Continental politics, and while abandoning its colonies reduce also its army and navy to the dimensions of an efficient coast guard service. It is quite true England has withdrawn her troops from her colonies, but that step was rendered possible, while being at the same time compatible with the safety of the Empire, by reason of the military organisation and fighting instincts of the colonists. It was the possession of an aggressive spirit which induced England to found colonies ; it is the same spirit, developed to the utmost by habits of self-reliance, which enables her colonies to retain their place as members of the Empire, without material aid in men and money from the mother country, not a love of trade, or a spirit of moderation and justice on the part of rival nations. The Millennium is the dream of an enthusiast, which the Right Hon. Mr. Baxter, and others like him, would willingly make a reality; but the stern realities of life, —national and individual life, —render such a thing an utter impossibility. Wherefore, although there should ever be the most rigid economy in the great spending departments of State, England should ever be prepared for aggressive as well as for defensive war. It is this one condition, aided by her insular position, which will enable her to sustain her high position among modern nations. When Mr. Baxter, in the name of the deceased statesman whose memory he was that day celebrating, pointed to a free and united Italy, and a compact and powerful Fatherland, in Germany, as the result of non-intervention by England, ho misled himself and those who heard him. Italy became free and united in consequence of the part the House of Savoy took in the Russian war ; —a war which England undertook for the vindication of a great principle, and which the Turin Government embarked in with a view to that adjustment of national territory which Cavour foresaw with so much prescience and sagacity. But Italy became free and united as a result of two great Continental wars, subsequent to the Crimean campaign; and the Germanic Empire became consolidated in a precisely similar manner. If England is to retain her pride of place among nations, she must be prepared to fight all comers at a moment’s notice. Free Trade, a liberal land tenure, and a free breakfast table have got nothing whatever to do with the question, except in so far as these may tend to increase the happiness and comfort of the British people, and render them more tenacious of their national rights. It is a pity, therefore, that a great economic principle as that of Free Trade should be obscured by anti - national doctrines. For what glory is there in a nation becoming “ the “ workshop and the shipbuilding yard “ of the world,” if it loses its self-respect, and worships a golden imago as the deity of its choice. Vet this is the fate which the Right Hon. E. Baxter anticipates as the highest possible good for the British people.