NEW ZEALAND NEWS.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXX, Issue 4483, 2 August 1875, Page 2

NEW ZEALAND NEWS.

SUMMARY FOR THE MONTH. ♦ JULY-AUGUST, 1875. r • Tor transmission by the Ladybird from Wellington, -on the Srd, and the A:S.N. Co.'s steamer ; Cyphrenes on the 6th Avyitst, from Auckland via SanFraneisco. Monday, August 2. The opening of Parliament has brought us literallyintothe "thick" of politics, and in these all other matters are temporarily forgotten. Nevertheless the history of the month has not been without its matters of unpolitical moment worthy of record. The progress of the country in material prosperity shows ho indication of being on the wane, and locally a practical evidence has been furnished by the price paid by an enterprising mercantile firm, Turnbull and Co., for a portion of the land reclaimed from the harbor, on which to build new warehouses and offices. Particulars of this transaction will be found elsewhere. The chief item of note in the way of immigration has been the arrival of the ship Collingwood, after a voyage during which many deaths (of children principally) occurred. The'speedy absorption of those of her immigrants who have been released from quarantine, by the labor employing resources of the colony, shows, however, the wisdom of the Government in for-, warding instructions Home not to discontinue free immigration. In matters political, of course the chief topics are the Budget and the new Bills effecting great changes in the mode of government and administration of the colony. These will be all found in full in another 1 column. Of the Budget it may be said safely that it has most agreeably disappointed the expectations of those who predicted financial incompetence in the new .Government. It is masterly, and comprehensive, and clear, and has not evoked a note of dissatisfaction. The Abolition and Local Government Bills, though, like all measures, not without perhaps minor imperfections of detail, are nevertheless very satisfactory, and have been approved by a majority of the House in attendance at a Ministerial caucus. Commencing our history of political events, we come to THE GOVERNOR'S SPEECH.

The speech with which the Governor opened the fifth session of the fifth Parliament on July 20th, will he found in our report of the proceedings. Tt has been skilfully drawn, and discloses just enough of the Ministerial policy to make it interesting. Expectation was on tiptoe, and speculations of an extravagant character were rife up to the last moment; but the.general tenor of the measures to be proposed, as indicated in the speech, are not calculated to excite surprise _' or raise apprehension of a serious collision between the opposing sections of the House. The following is the paragraph which refers to the proposed abolition of Provincial Government:— "In accordance with the resolutions "adoptedby the House of Representa- " tives in the last session, the necessary " measures for the abolition of the pro- '.' vincial form of government and for " the establishment of a more thorough "form of local government in this the " North Island have been prepared, and " will be immediately laid before you. V You will be invited to decide whether, " taking the circumstances of the colony " into consideration, as well as the pre- " sent financial condition and future ' ' prospects of some of the Provincial " Governments in the Middle Island, the '' operation of the proposed measures "maynot at once, with general advan- " tage, be so extended as to include the " whole of the provinces." The abolition Bill has not been circulated, but from the foregoing it will be seen that, as drafted, it applies only to the North Island. So far, it keeps strictly within ; the scope of the resolutions of last session, and to that extent at least conforms" to "the expressed will of" the Legislature; but the question has long since passed,beyond that stage, and we think the Government would have done well if it had had the courage of its opinions and.made the Bill general in its application. It is true the Assembly is to be invited to consider whether the circumstances of the colony are not favorable to the total abolition of the provincial form of government, and this proposal, in effect, raises the whole question ; but •we cannot avoid thinking that the more direct way would also have been the more prudent. The. country has pretty well made up its mind on the question. There is no need now to feel one's way, or to grope about for support. From North to South Me people, as distinguished from the provincial authorities and their-allies in the provinces, have pronounced in favor of total abolition of Provincial Government. The Government should lead the House, and not affect to follow it, especially on such a grave constitutional question as this. And. the evil we anticipate from the plan of operation outlined in the Speech is not a small one. It will have a disintegrating effect upon public opinion, which had matured in favor of provincial abolition, by raising a doubt as to whether a partial or a general measure would be carried. And of necessity it will protract the discussion, by raising the question in at least two entirely different forms. We hall have a most unseemly struggle about the land fund, and in all probability a false issue will; be placed before the country at the next general election. If a change of Constitution is to bo made it should be general. It will be impossible to govern the colony, with any hope of administrative success, if the provincial form of government be abolished in one island and continued in the other. As an expression of political thought, roughly outlining a colonial policy, the resolutions of last session were well enough in their way ; but they were not considered final by any of the parties to them. Indeed, the resolutions were not exhaustively discussed ; and now that they come up for final revision, we should have preferred to have had the whole debate taken upon the second reading of one Bill. This, however, is not to be; and the next best thing to be done is to extend the measure to both islands.

The Bills affecting the franchise, and the distribution of seats, will engage a large measure of attention. The electoral laws are very fax from satisfactory, and we trust the Assembly will contrive to arrive at something like finality in the promised measures.' Of course, it is premature to discuss the principles of these Bills until they are before the Legislature, but we may remark in passing, that should the franchise be extended, new electoral, rolls should be ompiled before the next general election, for it would be a mockery of the electorate to alter the qualification of electors nd elect a new Parliament for five years on the old franchise roll.

The consolidation of the laws relating to stamp duties is greatly needed. Not a little loss and inconvenience have arisen from fugitive enactments relating to thepayment of stamp duty. Simplicity and brevity in laws are above all other things desirable,::but these are precisely the points on which New= Zealand law fails. There are more amending Acts on the New Zealand Statute Book, and more evidence of hasty drafting, than can be found in the statute book of any other British colony. Moreover, the Assembly has delegated its legislative functions, to a most alarming extent, to the Governor in Council. Half the operative statute law of New Zealand is embodied in Orders in Council, and must be hunted for in the Gazette. This is not creditable to the Legislature, and it places very dangerous powers in the hands of any Ministry. Let us hope, therefore, that the promised Bills t>n Insolvency and Stamp Duty may prove an exception to the general rule. We feel constrained to extract another paragraph from the speech, namely, that relating to Native affairs, because it bears testimony to the remarkable success of Sir Donald McLean's administration. It would be a public calamity to disturb, in any way, the continuity of that policy. His Excellency said : " Our relations with that section of the " native people of the colony which has " been so long estranged from us continue "to improve. The recent meeting of " Ta-whiao with the Native Minister—a "meeting sought for and arranged by " Tawhiao himself—gives promise that " the isolation in \yhich the immediate "adherents of the Maori King have "hitherto held themselves is about to " terminate. The renewed desire of the " natives to - provide an English educa- " tion for their children, as shown by the " large increase in the number of schools " in native districts, and the general re- " sumption of industrial pursuits, give " assurance of the maintenance of peace, " and of a desire on their part to partici- " pate with the European colonist in the " general prosperity." The remaining paragraphs do not require special comment. They deal with matters familiar to our readers. The mail and telegraph contracts, the negotiation of the four million loan, the progress made in the construction of public works and of settlement, and the hearty reception everywhere accorded to his Excellency, are topics which should be alluded to in the opening Speech, but which possess no fresh interest. Of more consequence, however, is the assurance that "the public revenue " continues to increase, and that "the actual receipts for the past finan- " cial year have been considerably in " excess of the official estimate." This is satisfactory, no doubt, but it is not surprising considering the large increase of population by immigration, and the flourishing state of the country through the high price of colonial produce, and the large expenditure on public works. The estimates, as usual, are "framed so " as to secure the utmost economy found "to be consistent with the complete " efficiency of the several departments." This paragraph, or something like unto it, is embodied in every Speech at the opening of a session, and is simply a polite way of telling the country that retrenchment is, impossible. And experience amply prbves the truth of this assurance. The member who attempts to reduce the Estimates may as well run a tilt against a wind-mill for all the good he can do. Once get the Estimates into committee and they are safe.

. A CONSTITUTIONAL QUESTION, iUp to the present, the only newspapers out of Wellington bhafc have written on the reconstruction of the Government are the Otdgo Guardian, Lylttellon Times, and Timarn Herald. The latter displays far greater knowledge of the constitutional question involved than the former. The Lyttelton Times does not touch it. The Guardian speaks of the recent change of Government as the result of "somesuppo- " sititious constitutional difficulty," and charges Dr. Pollen with intriguing for the Premiership. A moment's reflection should' have satisfied our Dunecfin contemporary of the untenableness of that position. The "constitutional difficulty" was a real and insurmountable one, and Sir Julius Vogel, . recognising it as such, authorised his colleagues by telegram to send in his resignation' should they think it advisable to do so. They delayed taking action to the very latest moment; —we might almost say, much longer than the Governor wished. There is no precedent anywheie of a •Responsible Ministry meeting Parliament, the "responsible" chief of which is not only absent from the country, but has not taken the oath of office under the reigning sovereign, or governor, as the case may be. This, however, is precisely the position which presents only a "supposititious constitutional difficulty " to the Otago Guardian. However much we could have wished it otherwise, these are the facts, and we must deal with them as we find them. Had Sir | James Fergusson not resigned, this constitutional question could not have arisen, because Sir Julius Vogel was legally and constitutionally Premier, although Parliament might reasonably have objected to a Ministry, the responsible head of which was absent from the colony during session. Under the peculiar circumstances of the case, however, nothing would have come of such an objection beyond an animated debate, into which personal feeling would have been largely imported. But Sir James Fbrgusson's resignation changed the whole aspect of the question; and as this will form a precedent, we think it is desirable that the constitutional practice should be clearly established. The Timaru Herald partly raises the _ issue ; but we think the nicest and most important point does not lie in Sir Julius Vogel's position in the Ministerial list, —to which we see nothingbeyond a technical objection,—but in. the constir tutional position of Ministers since the Marquis of Normanby's accession to the office of Governor. People's minds have been directed so entirely almost to the position of Sir Julius Vogel, that they have overlooked the far more serious and important question which was before their eyes every day. There is no doubt or difficulty regarding Sir Julius. He left the colony, properly accredited, as Premier and Colonial Treasurer, &c., to perform certain public acts ; these he has duly performed, but being unable through ill-health to return before Parliament assembles, he placed his resignation in his colleagues' hands, and this they have now acted upon. But this resignation, while it places Ministers in an impregnable position for the future, does not help them in the past, that is, from the assumption, by • Lord Normanby, of the Governorship, until Saturday week, when they resigned office together with Sir Julius Vogel.

We do not profess to settle the constitutional question involved, or to express an oDinion either way, as it is certain to be raised in the Legislature, and should

be settled authoritatively, as! a precedent, to avoid future complications. >But on broad general grounds we are clearly of opinion that no other course was open to Ministers. When the new Governor was sworn into office, the Premier was absent; and it was their: bounden duty to continue to administer public affairs in the absence of their chief, whose return, .before: the session, was then confidently anticipated. They were resworn, as required by constitutional usage, and attended to the routine work of their departments. Of course, it was quite competent for Lord Normanby to have insisted upon some member of the Executive Council assuming the leadership of the Ministry from the first; but he did not think it expedient to do so, and it was only on the eve of the meeting of Parliament, when Sir Julius Vogel could not possibly return in time, that a reconstruction.was required. So far, therefore, from intriguing against Sir Julius Vogel, his colleagues placed themselves in an exceptional position in loyal support of him. The imputation of base motives is therefore unfair to Ministers. Whatever may be the outcome of this affair, they are not censurable on that ground. It will be apparent, therefore, that from a variety of causes, none of which could well have been foreseen, a serious constitutional difficulty has arisen ; and it is the duty of the General Assembly, next session, to take the matter into its consideration. If Sir James Fergusson had not resigned, or if Sir Julius Vogel had been re-sworn before Lord Normanby, there would have been no bother; but the proverbial virtue of an " if" cannot remove the difficulty. It is not a party question, however, and should be decided in strict accordance with the usage of Parliamentary Government. We cannot aflford to despise well-settled precedent, nor is it in the interest of good Government to be frequently making precedents. We regret, therefore, that our contemporaries named should have lost sight of the real point of the matter, and made it more or less a handle for a party attack. There will be many questions before the Assembly on which the strength of parties will be tried, without importing this one into the parliamentary battle. The function of Parliament in this case will be judicial. It will therefore be unfortunate if the heat and passion of party strife should warp the judgment of any member. It is by no means a light question that is to besettled. It goes to the root of parliamentary government, and involves issues of far greater magnitude and importance to the country than the existence of any Ministry.

GOLD RETURNS. The Neio Zealand Gazette has reached us, containing the gold returns for the last June quarter, and the total quantities of gold exported from the colony to the 30th of June, 1875. These returns bear out all we said on the decline of gold 'mining. We find the following results in the official statement before us : GOLI> EXPORT : HALF-YEAR Oz. £ Ending June 30, 1871 .. 200,125 .. 801,660 Ending June 30, 1875 .. 170,639 .. 704,393 In other words, there was a falliug-off on the half-year, compared with the orresponding period of 1874, of £IOO,OOO. This represents a considerable reduction on the produce of the year. The following figures exhibit the provincial export returns for the half-yearly periods under review : JUNE HALF-YEARLY PERIOD. 1874. 1875. . Auckland .. 37,161 ounces 29,593 ounces Marlborough 307 „ 091 „ Nelson .. 43,481 „ 46,522 „ ■ Westland .. 42,396 „ 30,050 „ Otago .. 76,780 „ 63,783 „ The total export for the June ouarter, 1875, was 78,9580z5. of gold, valued at £313,216, as against 97;6810z5., worth £391,177, for the March quarter of 1875. The magnitude of gold mining, as a colonial industry, is, however, abundantly evidenced by the foregoing figures, and should of itself lead the Government and Legislature to devote the utmost consideration to all questions affecting it. The productiveness of the New Zealand goldfields has been very great. The total gold export, up to June 30, 1875, was 7,776,012 ounces, representing £30,281,409, or some ten millions sterling in excess of the colonial debt on the completion of the public works sanctioned by the Legislature. The provinces are returned in the following order as gold exporting districts. Thus : Oz. £ Auckland .. .. 900,191 3,420,247 Wellington .... 30 120 Marlborough .. 43,769 109,790 Nelson .. .. 1,440,581 5,.710,572 Westland .. ..1,923,980 7,603,269 Otago 3,408,061 13,371,411 We need add nothing to these returns to impress upon our readers the necessity of encouraging, by every legitimate means, the gold-mining industry of the colony. The Legislature has shown its readiness to do something in this direction by appropriating large sums for the construction of water races, but that is not sufficient. Something more must be done to give men confidence in gold mining as a regular pursuit.