New Zealand Times. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1875.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXX, Issue 4334, 9 February 1875, Page 2

New Zealand Times. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 9, 1875.

In a leading article headed "Mr. Fitz- " hekbbkt and the Times," ovir contemporary, the Wairarapa Standard, joins issue with us on the provincial question. It is but bare j ustice to say that we have never seen the provincial question more fairly argued, or its case more forcibly put, than it has been by our contemporary. But unfortunately for us, we cannot regard provincial institutions in the same favorable light. While admitting that the system is not altogether vicious in its working, and going the length of saying that in many respects it has done a great deal of good to the country, we cannot help thinking that the time has come for its abolition ; inasmuch as its functions have been usurped by the constant encroachments of the General Legislature and Government, and also because there is an entire want of harmony between the Colonial and Provincial Executives, owing to their overlapping authorities. "When a state of things like this comes to pass, the public interest requires such a modification of the Constitutional machine as shall ensure its working without too much friction, thereby promoting economy and lessening the risk or a break-down. The Government propose to modify the Constitutional machine in the North Island, by simplifying its parts; to which it may very fairly bo objected, as it has been, that this is at best only a temporary expedient, and is likely to accelerate the break-down which it is intended to prevent. We are disposed to give to this argument the weight it deserves. Indeed, having "carefully considered the subject, and not without some intimate knowledge of it, we have come to the conclusion that the only safe way to get rid of the difficulty is to abolish Provincial Government altogether, and leave to local municipal bodies the task of estimating and assessing for district works, and of spending Parliamentary grants-in-aid of local rates under an officient system of audit.

But this ia not tho view of the question taken by the Wairarapa Standard. It regards the maintenance of provincial institutions as the one sufficionfc check upon tho oxtravagance and corrupting influence of the general administration. Now, it might be worth while asking why wasteful expenditure, and a corrupt exercise of power, should be so persistently attributed to the Colonial Government.. No proofs are over given to sustain.those charges. We might also ask, what, is there

in the constitution of Provincial Executives to lead any one to suppose that they ave less liable to commit similar excesses ? The General Government is usually constituted of men who served in Provincial Executives ; and it is really going too far to assume that by becoming members of his Excellency's Executive Council they change their characters, and suddenly develope into rogues of the most dangerous kind, who do not scruple to use the public funds to corrupt and debase the . public. These charges should not be lightly made. We agree with the late Governor, Sir James Fergusson, in saying that New Zealand has reason to be proud of her public men ; and we say further, that the gentlemen who have occupied the most prominent positions in tlie Colonial and Provincial Executives, have usually done so at much personal sacrifice of income and peace of mind. The Standard meets our argument in favor of the abolition of Provincial Government on the ground that it would bring the Ministry of the clay face to face with the people, first, by an admission that "in one sense, and to a small ex- " tent, Provincial Governments do serve " the purpose of political buffers between " the General Government and the " people;" and second, by a general averment, which we had much better give in his own words : But still in another and a larger sense, wo maintain that the Provincial Governments are the only organisms which at present oxist to check the extravagance, the corruption, and the encroachments of the central power, and which are capable of giving any expression and effect to the wishes and opinions of the people of a country, scattered over such a wide extent of territory, and possessing so few opportunities and means for the promulgation, interchange, and communication of their ideas on public questions. Instead of the abolition of the provincial system being the means of bringing the Ministry of the day face to face with tho people, as has been hastily assumed, and which under other circumstances would probably be tbe legitimate result, the Ministry will then be better able than now to ride rough-shod over the country, as the people then will be deprived of the most potent means and agencies they now possess for getting their protests attended to and their wishes regarded. For the General Government to be brought face to face with the people there must be more rapid and frequent | communication between the heart and the extremities I than exists at present, and in addition to this a really national public opinion will have to be created: This last is not prevented by the existence of provincial boundaries, but by the non-existence of a really colonial Press. The causes which have been in operation 1 to prevent the establishment of the latter will still remain in force after the provincial system has been destroyed. These causes have no connection with political divisions, and would be unaffected by their removal.- The parish politics which that system is supposed to foster, and the provincial rivalries and jealousies which are supposed to be its legitimate fruits, are not unmixed evils, and possibly prevent the growth of still greater ones ; but they do not owe their existence to the provincial system, and would bo found in operation if that system wore abolished.

To all of which we reply, that these " organisms" have wholly failed to present any efficient check to the " extrava- " gance, the corruption, and the en- " croachments of the central power," assuming this language simply to refer to the naked facta presented by the legislative and administrative, records of the colony. Not only so, but the Provincial Governments were the very organisms that forced upon the central power a line of policy which, whether we consider the origin and development of the Financial Resolutions of 1850, or the origin and development of the Public "Works and Immigration policy of 1870, furnishes the only possible pretext for charging the General Government with extravagance, corruption, and encroachments inimical to the great mass of the people The direct tendency of the tortuous policy which has been forced upon . successive Administrations has most certainly been to strengthen the Superintendental party, and aggransmall class of the community who wore energetically-monopolising the public estate through these same precious " Provincial Government organisms," and who, by the political action in the Assembly of the Superintendents and their Executive henchmen, succeeded in evading the payment of a'special tax to provide interest on the money expended on works which added enormously to the valuo of their estates. "We invite our contemporary, the Wairavapa.Standard, to trace the history of the Public Works and Immigration policy from its first initiation, and he will find that every departure from the original plan was at the instance of the Superintendents, until at length that policy assumed its present shape ; —objectionable enough, doubtless, from a fiscal point of view ; but not nearly so bad as it would have been- if the proposition of the Superintendents, constituting Mr. Stafford's Government, had been accepted, and the interest and sinking fund of the Public Works and Immigration loan had been made a direct charge upon the Consolidated revenue.

We say also, in reply to the foregoing plea of our contemporary in favor of Provincial Governments, that while these " are the only organisms which at present " exist to check the extravagance, cor- " ruption, and encroachments of the " central power," they have grossly misused the constitutional check which they possessed, and prompted the commission of acts—at all events, they intrigued for, and advised, a policy—which their champion now denounces in the strong language we have quoted. Having, therefore, conspicuously failed in discharging what wastheirclearduty, letthem bosweptaway. So long as t)iey remain, not only shall wo have no colonial public opinion, but we. shall have no financial reform. Inequalities of taxation will remain as at present. Trade, and industry of all kinds will be tolled and taxed, while the territorial proprietors, who have grown up almost as rapidly as Jonah's gourd, under the fostering care of Superintendents and the provincial system,- will escape from contributing a farthing more to the revenue, on account of an expenditure which has put large sums into their pockets by enhancing the value of their lands, than- the mechanic or laborer whose only advantage from the loan expenditure is the exceedingly unpalatable bit of knowledge that he has to provide for an enhanced rate of living without a corresponding increase of wages. In conclusion, we should remark that up to n point we agree with our contemporary in his comments on "the non- " existence of a really colonial Press." There is no great centre of intellectual and commercial energy in New Zealand which could lead the opinion of the colony, as it is led in Victoria by Melbourne, and- in Now South Wales by Sydney. But while that is a great and permanent difficulty in the way of creating an intelligent and honest colonial public opinion, we should not therefore conserve the existing state of things, which forbids all reasonable hope of an active political life for New Zealand, by perpetuating the existence, and with its bare existence, however attenuated it may bo, its capacity for mischief; of the Suporintendental system of government.