New Zealand Times. TUESDAY, JANUARY 12, 1875.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXX, Issue 4309, 12 January 1875, Page 2

New Zealand Times. TUESDAY, JANUARY 12, 1875.

Mr. JomrMuNRO, member for the electoral district of Marsden, addressed his constituents in the Waipu Central Schoolhouse, on the 12th ultimo. The report of his' speech occupies 1 five columns of small type in the Aeto Zealand Herald of the sth instant: we are therefore unable to present even a digest of it to . our readers. At the same time, it was just such a speech, with all its quaintneas of illustration and occasional vituperation, which one can read with pleasure, because it contains ideas, and conveys an impression that the speaker is in earnest, and that he understands what he is talking about. Mr. Munko never addresses the House. This is a pity, but it is,evidently not from want of matter. He is, however, nervously diffident. His self-con-sciousness is so great, that dreading he should fail as a speaker, he refrains from speaking altogether ; and thereforo, while the matured judgment of the hon. member is missed'in debate, "the time of thoHonse" is often wasted by the babblement of those whoso want of self-consciousness is •only equalled by their inability to throw a scintilla of light upon any great questions of ; policy or administration. Yet Mr. Munro's power of usefulness, although impared by his natural modesty, is not altogether lost. There are those in the House who appreciate his keen political perception, and consult him on matters of importance; audit was no idle boast of his when he said that he could now count political disciples amongst leading politiciansas well as onthe New Zealand Press. Those, however, who desire to see " the " political situation" fully grasped, and placed before the public in all its bearings, should read Mr. Munro's speech. It is so differoiit from recent speeches, that one turns instinctively to the venerable member for Marsden as to a kind of political Moses, who can cleave a safe path

throughithe sea of difficulties by .which the vital question of constitutional reform is surrounded. ' J The opponents of Mr. Vooel constantly say : " Show us what you are going to " put in the place of provincial institu- " tions before you abolish them ;" and 1 they insist that the bare outline, which the Premier gave of the intentions, of the Government, is : ; insufficient. 'They want, the scheme worked out in detail before they consent. Well, we do_ not think there is much in this objection, and we should have been perfectly satisfied with what the Premier said, and with his proraise that a bill would be introduced next session, had other members of the Government in his absence kept it in that position.' But we have have had an elaborate attempt at an exposition of policy in detail, and we should altogether fail in our duty to the .public, did we not say that in our judgment the exposition was unsatisfactory. It did not carry conviction to the mind, that the Ministerial expositor altogether understood the question. Not so in the case of Mr. John Munro. He understands it thoroughly; and not only perceives the radical defects in the existing Constitution, but he likewise tells us how these defects may be rectified. Here is what he says on this branch of the question : Let us come to a more practical illustration of the subject pn hand, of which I am a living witness, as well as many that are'here present.' The Island of Cape Breton was a Crown colony, and in the year 1820 was annexed to Nova Scotia. Was It a dereliction of duty or ignorance that the latter did not send four Superintendents to Cape Breton, instead of, dividing it into four counties, each county in common with all the old counties of Nova Scotia managed by the people themselves, within their respective counties, by the same laws that were of old enacted by their Parliament for local self-government, originated on the English Quarter Sessions of the Peace, but in the development of time, moulded and .modified to suit the convenience of a thinly-settled new country? and although there were seventeen counties in all, the same set of enactments served the whole without any deviation or distinction whatever. Thus, every county in the colony frugally and. industriously managed their own affairs, without clashing interests with one another or with' the Govern-; ment, of .which they were independent, while they; abided by the .lava'-in-force for their guidance The seventeen counties made a harmonious whole,' like industrious country settlements, every man looking after the welfare of his own household. By this regime the weight of ruling tho country was thrown on the shoulders of the whole people; so that the Government had comparatively little to do but attend the helm for the guidance of the general welfare. But hero our provincial savahs say,."Do away with the provinces and the Assembly will have not only to sit six months, but the whole year." A fallacy. Once pass tho necessary Acts for local selfgovernment of counties, the General Assembly would not require more than half the time it now occupies in its deliberations; besides the whole government of the country would not bo more than a shilling in thirty it now costs; besides, also, the immensities of comforts, conveniences, and benefits that would accrue to the outlying districts and the great strides the whole country would make in genuine progress in comparison to what it does under the present incubus.; The four counties of Cape Bretou were respectively from 250 to 350 miles from Halifax, the Seat of, Government, and communications with that centre in 1820 were as uncertain and irregular as they were here 17 years ago; if not iriore so in the winter season, but, by the well-organised system. of local self-government, the people did not require to know there was a General Government ; and should, they be ton hundred miles away from the Seat of Government, things would be as convenient to them as should they be within'ten miles of it, even without; a Vice-regal General Government Agent. Away, then, with the utter absurdity of the idea that distant districts in a newly-settled country require sham legislatures under a superior one, which is only to confuse and embarrass, as can be seen stereotyped on the front of every institution in New Zealand. Provincial Councils and Superintendents are only legalised tools and instruments of mischief, as branches of an I outrageous and .horse-leech constitution. Some of; our tip-top politicians say that provincialism has done much good in its day, but that it, must give way by-and-by to "something else." If the something else were in the country, and of the genuine sort, it would be a contrast that would ■reflect at this day that New Zealand is hundreds of millions of money short of material progress. But when will they have the " something else ?" Is it when they suck all they possibly can of English lifeblood, as they have already done our* own? lean only say infatuated, wilful ignorance of our real position, dallying and compromising with the demon that; has bungled our country. Seeing two able political champions on opposite side 3 contending about what the county revenue should be, or rather disputing' about the hues of the chameleon, let us take a cursory; glance of what we have seen in that respect in Nova; Scotia and the other North American British colonies.; The counties of Nova Scotia had no revenue what-; ever, except by local taxation, to defray the expenses, of holding their sessions, ferries, maintenance of their poor, and things of that kind, excepting licenses to sell liquor, which the Grand Jury of the county; could give or withhold as i they ; thought proper, without any other authority having power to interfere. The taxation was very light. The; aggregate for the year for the seventeen counties : only amounted to about £6OOO sterling, for a population of about 300,000, For example, the county of ; Cape Breton, with a population of 28,000, only cost about £3OO of their own currency. I have a copy ofthe Journal of the County Session of Victoria for the' year 1800, with a population of from 11,000 to 12,000, and the expense of the county for that year was only; £l2O of their own currency. In passing, I may as well mention that the General Government of the, county, from the Governor to the humblest function- ! ary, only cost £15,000 sterling. But another phase of the well-regulated administration of tho Government of that colony was in connection with tho counties, that the Treasurer of the colony (who was there termed Financial? Secretary) yearly, moved in the Assembly by resolution, that the sum of £30,000 or £40,000 (accordin'g to revenue) be- divided among the, seventeen comities for roads and bridges, allotting to , each county its share in accordance with population or supposed need (like the good matron of a large family). If there seemed any partiality or discrepancy in the division of the money,- you may be sure it would be well agitated and discussed ; however, it would be passed by the House' (amended or not), and .finally confirmed by, the Governor. That done, the member or members of each county would: then pre- j sent to the House.a scale of where and how ; that, money was to be applied in . their respective counties during the recess (without fee or reward), I which usually passed tho House quietly, and was also confirmed by the Governor. Thus, the money allotted , to each county is solely under the guidance of their respective, members, and by no means by partisans of the Government; and who are better judges than the constituencies if the money is judiciously laid out or not, and a representative's whole political fame there solely depends on the wise,appropriation of the monoy. Thus, by a natural and legitimate process the poople's money finding its way back to them again, the strong i centres of population not able to deprive the outskirts ; of their due—the life blood of tho political body flowing regularly through the veins and fibres as well as the arteries, as I alluded to at starting, which can never be the case here while a sparsely inhabited country is everywhere' covered with governments and officials, swallowing,up everything whatsoever, and, in lawyer's phraseology, I might add, everything else ; but sweep away the plague, and New Zealand would save millions she now pays to confound her, and then she could' be bounteous in affording ample revenue to her counties.

Our: readers will pardon us, we are certain, for making this long extract from Mr. Munro's speech, because we believe it contains the germ (if "that constitutional reform which must ultimately be worked out in this colony.' Our administrative system is much too complicated and expensive : ' it should be localised, and rendered at onco effective and oconomic. Of course, any proposal for a sweeping measure' of reform . like this would be resisted tooth-and-nail, by the large and valiant army of State dependents all "over the colony ; but unless the producing classes-—the "fat kine" of New Zealand—are content to be eaten up during the next seven years by the nori-pro'ducing classes—its "lean kine"—some such comprehensive measure of reform must be passed. At the same time, wo think Mr. Munro's scheme of local government is far from perfect. For .instance, instead; of the parliamentary grants-in-aid of local rates being, spent under the direction of tlie representatives of each electoral district, they should be appropriated by. country boards, as is the case with similar local organizations in the United States. In this way, the. local representative would escape those imputations of corruption and favoritism, which would otherwise be flung at him were lie as pure as the Angel,Gabriel, or, any of the other incorruptibles of tho Supreme Court of Heaven.' That plan might have done very well in Nova Scotia ; but it would never do in New Zealand. Indeed, we are inclined ''to think that Mr. Munro would admit that he has heard, during his own Parliamentary carreer, in ,Nova Scotia, "curses loud and deep " against the misapplication of parliamentary grants by Blue Nose politicians. We regret that our spaco does not admit of further notice of this very remarkable speech ; —a speech, the freah-

ness and originality* of which ia most unusual, in these , days of political inanity and chicane. Mr, Munko dislikes provincialism now as he always disliked it. He sees in it the enemy of material progress and political development. It is the parent of jobbery and corruption, and utterly evil in his eyes. He therefore hails its demolition, •; even though proposed by Mr. Yogel, who is his great political aversion. Indeed, it is doubtful which he dislikes mobt—the Premier, or Superintendentalism. He is perfectly frank and open about it; and his support of Mr. Vogel is from no change of opinion regarding the general effect of his policy, from no admiration of his character and ability, but solely and simply because, he thinks that,' oh this point at least, he is right. Thus, without sacrificing principle, the member for Marsden, for once in his life, recorded his vote for the present Government, when they proposed to abolish provincial institutions in the North Island. However, Mr. Munko accepts that proposal as ar. instalment. The abolition of provincial institutions generally, and the substitution of a simple form of loc:il administration is what he wants; but he has no faith whatever in any scheme founded on. tho report of "a barrister of colonial "reputation," after consultation with the Chairmen of the various Road Boards in the North Island. And we confess that we share in his unbelief. Meanwhile, we feel bound to keep the public informed of the leading thoughts of our representative men, being convinced that only in this way can an independent and intelligent colonial public opinion be matured.