REPUBLICANISM IN FRANCE.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXIX, Issue 4205, 11 September 1874, Page 3

REPUBLICANISM IN FRANCE.

(From the New York Herald , June 16.) The situation in Fx-ance groxva more and mox-e interesting. All students of political groxvths, and especially of the px-ogx-ess of free governments toxyards stability and peace, xvill xx-atch xvith the deepest attention the efforts of the French to fashion a government that xvill unite order and liberty, that will combiue peace and prosperity xvith perfect freedom. For ourselves, xvishing all happiness and honor to France, because of her friendship to America in the days xvhen xve needed aid, and because of what she has done for enlightenment and liberty, xve feel the profoundost interest in the success of the Republic. Although that 'success is not hopeful, and the xvork has been attended xx-ith discouragements and disappointing outbreaks like the Commune, an out-bx-eak quite as disgraceful and almost as brutal as the draft riots in Nexv York, and although the recent signs in France are not apt to give the Republicans much comfort, xve still believe that there can be no stable Government that is not republican in form and spirit. We put aside as unxvorthy even of serious considex-a-tion the sentiment xvhich the American mind, in its moments of excessive political x-anity, is so apt to fondle, that “ the Fx-ench people are unfit for self-government.” France has never shoxvn so much progress and x-eal national strength as under the Republics. The Republic has always meant peace, xvhile every other form of go\ r erument meant war. Tho Republican xx-ars xvei-e made, in self-defence, to protect the tex-ritory fx-om kings and princes xv-ho came as enemies of fx-eedom. The monax--chical and imperial wars were mainly invasions to conquer and extend and save dynasties. Never has Republicanism shoxvn its fitness more clearly than since Sedan. We do not think the Repxxblic of Gambetta or Thiers especially exalted fox-ms of fx-ee government, but they are forms that have been honestly administered. When Napoleon was living in the pampered luxury of Cassel as a xvar prisoner, xx-heu his marshals were squandering the armies of France by treachery and iucompetency, a Republican Government that came, as Bismarck said, from “ the pavement,” struck the only heroic bloxv that was struck for France during the xvar. When the country was prostrate and bleeding and apparently dead, another Republican Government lifted her, bound up her xvounds, rescued her soil from the conqueror, and shoxved the world her marvellous resources. From that time to tho present, there has been peace. Why is it now that xve see discord and agitation ? The reason is a plain one, and it cannot be too carefully studied by republicans all over the xvorld. The antagonist of the Republic is Napoleonism. We can understand how the first Bonaparte could make .Napoleonism a system, but only such a man could do it. Since his time xx-hat have xv xseen ? Beginning with the eighteenth of Bramaire—embracing the invasion of Spain and Russia, the murder of the Due d’Enghien, and the needless catastrophe of Waterloo—what xvas the career of the transcendant genius xvho then ruled France, but a splendid, Jove-like, imperial tyx-ranuy, which had no purpose that xvas not selfishness, xvhich never hesitated to use evex-y poxver to gain its purpose ? To make kings of the dreaming Louis, the foolish Jose])h, tho gaudy Murat, and the worthless Jerome, Napoleonism squandered the blood of hundreds of thousands of Frenchmen on fifty battle fields, and surrendered to the alliance of kings all that Napoleon’s genius, xvhich xvas great, and the genius of revolutionary France, which was gx-eater, had gained. This was the fault of the magnificent genius whose glory astonished the world, and to xvhich the world has alxvays pax-doned so much. It was the eagle—and since then xve have had the vulture and the crow. ■ Can we find more fitting emblems for the Third Empire ? Concede to Napoleon 111. as an exponent of Napoleonism all that his eulogists claim, and xvhat is his system but another phase of subtle, successful, gaudy, and, in the end, ruinous tyranny ? He reigned txventy years. During tlxat time he was master of France, the richest country in some respects in the wox-ld. He xvas so xveak that he permitted a xvanton xvar, and when war came it xvas found that notwithstanding the millions France had lavished on the army, there was no army. The millions had gone no one knows whither, and Franco was at the mercy of a justly angered and invincible enemy. Wherever a menace or an adventux-e xvith a weak power could serve his purpose Napoleon xvas strong. Ho could fight Russia xvith the aid of England and Austria as-, sisted by Italy, but when it came to an actual xvar with an armed enemy he xvas defeated. We look in vain through tho career of this ruler for any of those fascinating, and, in the eyes of the wox-ld, redeeming qualities xvhich gave glory to the founder of his dynasty. He xvas a gigantic meddler and bully. When xve had our rebellion he shoxved his hatred of liberty by sending an army to suppresstho Mexican Republic and put an Austrian prince on the throne. History already shoxvs that he was on tho point of an armed intervention in behalf of tho South. All he did for united Italy was tarnished by his coui'se toxvards Nice and Savoy, and his protection of the temporal poxver. His first act as ruler of France xvas to sxveax- to support the Republic ; his second was tho coup d’Uat. He began his career by breaking his oath, and naturally enough took to street massacre. Then came the Empire, of which it may be said that it massacred French citizens on the boulevards, built a great number of nexv streets in Paris, surrendered txvo Provinces at Sedan, and paid Germany a crashing indemnity. It may bo said that Franco condoned all of these acts, just-as it may bo said that the United States condoned tho horrors of slavery. This we grant simply for the argument. But we should as soon welcome slavery back to this country as Napoleonism back to France. There xvex-e splendid qualities in either system, and they were alike in this—that they were forms of governmental tyranny. There was nothing in tho Empire as gracious and fascinating as the fine old plantation life that perished at Appomattox. But its fascination and its graces xvero not atonements for its sin. So xvith Napoleonism in whatever fox-m xve meet it. Look at this crisis, study it care-, fully in its budding and, blossoming, and what do xyc see ? Simply the coup d’etat in another form. Ever since M, Thiers’ presidency, whenever France has had occasion to speak in the election of a delegate, she has spoken in favor of the Republic. We believe there has bon two or three exceptions. One was the election of a Bonapartiat in the Department of tho Nidvro. This was the first sign of life the party had shoxvn, and in an instant the country was in flames. Every agency that could bo used was summoned to disturb the peace, throxv France into anarchy, dissolve the Assembly, and accomplish an electoral coup d’ Hal. The country was at rest. Content and order reigned. There were industry, comfox-t, repose. The repub-

licana were docile and patient although they were winning victory after victory, audalthough they saw, as all the world saw, that the Assembly no longer represented B ranee, and that the Government was a moral usurpation. They would have been justified in making war upon this moral usurpation, but with matchless selfdenial and fortitude that cannot be too highly honored they have patiently abided their tune, confident that when France did speak, it would be to proclaim definitely and for ever the. Republic. But Napoloonism having won a single victory the leaders mean to force a coup d' Hat. . It is possible the Bonapartists may win. We can see how Imperialism can return to B ranee. But it is not for us to welcome it, or to repine at the spectacle of a country so noble, so rich, so endowed with splendid qualities, with so much civilisation and enterprise and thought, a country which has done so much for freedom and progress in every way, passing again under the dominion of a beardless Bonaparte, whose traditions come from the Napoleons of the eighteenth of Brumaire and the second of December, whose counsellors would be Rouher, who never failed to bo the lackey of the Empire, and Eleury, who propelled the massacres on the Boulevards, and Bazaine, who was condemned to death for having surrendered withoutcause the finest fortress and the best armies in France. All this may come, and it may come, too, with much parade and circumstance. Assuredly there would be the fireworks and rhetoric of Napoleouism in profusion, and men and women in France would sing hosannas as men and women in America sang hosannas to slavery, and would sing them to-morrow could slavery only return. For ourselves our hopes are with the Republic; and not only for France, but for the other nations. We may have restorations, but they will be postponements. AVe may have revolutions, but they will be aspirations. In spite of disappointment and failure the Republic will come, and with it peace, civilisation, and that true freedom which as yet the emperors and kings have failed to give mankind.