New Zealand Times. MONDAY, AUGUST 31, 1874.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXIX, Issue 4195, 31 August 1874, Page 4

New Zealand Times. MONDAY, AUGUST 31, 1874.

The session of Parliament, which now only waits the formality of prorogation to be brought to an end, has been, though unusually short, one of the most eventful in tho history of the Colony. In its early days it was characterised by calm almost amounting to apathy, and inexperienced members were induced to believe it would pass without excitement or party conflict. The large majority possessing perfect confidence in the Government formed a sufficient guarantee for its permanence, so long as the business of administration alone was in question, but when organic changes of the most sweeping character were proposed, there were not wanting those who predicted confidently the entire disruption of long standing alliances, followed by an early change. The struggle has taken place, and the Ministry now holds a firmer position than it ever before attained. If some three or four of his old supporters have on one question deserted Mr. Vogel, and for a time taken themselves to the ranks of the Opposition, others have come forward in much greater number to lend their aid. to a policy approved by a vast majority of the people. The opening speech of the Governor indicated a prudent desire to confine the deliberations of the Assembly mainly to measures bearing more or less directly on the great policy in whichr the Colony is embarked, and it is possible that a generous support might for a time have staved off the inevitable demand tor a re-arrangement of our complex form of government. That delay could not have been great in any event is perfectly certain, and tho country will hereafter be grateful that men, anxious for nothing but the continuance of their own power, have forced tho Government to at once grapple with the Provincial question and stake their continuance in office on tho acceptance of the proposed solution. Native affairs were formerly tho subject of long and angry debates in every session, and the fate of Ministries has been decided on the opinion formed of their skill in dealing with this critical question. Now the time of tho House has ceased to be occupied by Maori troubles, it is not from less interest being felt in the welfare of the Native race or its relations to the European population, but because the difficulty has almost vanished under tho firm though delicate guidance of Sir Donald McLean. The alternations between weak concessions made to pander to the unreasonable demands of turbulent chiefs, and arrogant attempts to treat the Maori as an inferior being, no longer exist. Neither fussy and presumptuous officers, vaporing at tho head of thoir troops, nor Maori advocates prepared on all occasions to buy off enemies without regard to present honor or tho increasing danger from unduly fostering tho pride of a shrewd and warlike people, are allowed to thwart the policy of a Minister entirely trusted by tho leading men on both sides., Justice in all his dealings has enabled Sir Donald to conquer. No unreasonable pretensions were set up to be abandoned on the first show of opposition, nor could he be driven from a settled purpose by threats when once ho believed the public interests required that purpose to bo enforced. Ho is the first Native Minister who has been guided by the principle that tho people of both races are equally tho subjects of one sovereign. Others have professed tho belief as a matter of theory while in act they have ignored it, at one time threatening, at another petting and coaxing. So it is that time is allowed to produce its natural effect, and more land has of late been peaceably acquired for settlement than could ever have been conquered by force of arras. The relative strength of tho races is gradually changing, and with tho rapid increase of Europeans, and the formation of roads, equally valuable in war or peace, tho undisturbed progress of civilisation is at last assured. Neither of the political changes mentioned in the opening speech have become law. Tho liberal provisions as to tho franchise contained in the j,Constitution Act might perhaps have been suffered to continue without attempt at alteration

had it not boon for .the complications produced by conceding the privilege of voting to the holders of miners’ rights. Mon engaged in other callings feel themselves placed at an unfair disadvantage as compared with the miners, and the natural remedy is to confer equal rights on all. Probably tho proposals might have been passed had it not been for the irrational opposition .of some who boast of being the representatives of the mining interests, though in reality mere camp followers. It is to be regretted that action has not been at once taken, as next session will be too late for the pie w voters to be registered in time for the general election, and whenever tho measure becomes law an early dissolution will, in accordance with constitutional practice, bo necessary to permit the newly enfranchised to exercise their right. So much interest is now felt in tho acquisition of political rights by English working men that the success of immigration might bo influenced by the political status to bo acquired, and this ignorant obstinacy of class representatives may continue to impel the best class of immigrants the United States. Incidentally the honorarium question may bo mentioned. Tho increase, though professedly a more sufficient payment of expenses, must be regarded as to some extent admitting the true democratic principle of payment of members, which has always been one of the leading demands of advanced reformers, as the only way by which the representation might be delivered from the mere rich or the political adventurer. In most countries tho practice has been already adopted, and every well informed politician is aware that it existed formerly in England, and its discontinuance occurred precisely at tho time when Parliamentary corruption first began. The proposal for preventing a stoppage of business by irreconcilable differences between the two branches of the Legislature failed to gain the approval of the nominated House, in which it was introduced. Indications are not wanting that the time is close at hand when the business of tho country will be arrested, unless some mode of settlement is agreed to, and the Upper House will be the first to have reason to regret their inflexible resolution to forbid a change. Ministers have done their duty, and can rest on the good sense of the people for support whenever tho disastrous contest comes.

Among changes affecting the social condition of the people, the new Licensing Act claims first attention from the bitterness with which fanatical temperance advocates opposed all relaxation of the hasty action agreed to last year. Mr. Fox’s amendment for the abolition of barmaids imparted a ludicrous aspect to the whole question, and diverted the House from real improvements. So long as men continue in a state lower than the angels, will alcoholic drinks bo consumed in every temperate or cold climate, and the efforts of the Legislature must be directed more to framing strict provisions for police inspection and against adulteration than to the extinction of facilities for the gratification of a natural desire. Driven into secrecy, the puritanical legislation of New England proves that when the permissible is forbidden it is none the less practised, but serves to weaken respect for law and prepare the way for indulgence in what is inherently vicious. The profuse creation of offences weakens the distinction in popular estimation between them and crimes. Next may be noticed the abolition of the barbarous law permitting imprisonment for debt. Slavery of the debtor was a far more defensible practice, as it could bo pleaded that the power to labor should be exerted to extinguish a debt. To deprive an unfortunate man of every chance of earning a livelihood, because ho had aforetime been unsuccessful in- doing so, was to punish misfortune as crime. The State itself suffered from the debtor’s family being left to charity, or failing that, to gain a living from vice. Humanity and morality alike demanded the extinction of this infamous relic of Roman cruelty, in itself utterly at variance with the genius of our Common Law. The Real Estate Descent Act rids us of a legacy from another barbarous epoch. The law of primogeniture was the most powerful engine of coercion introduced by the Normans. Every holder of land owed military service to the State, and from the great feudal Baron to his humblest retainer, the permanence of the holding was contingent on appearing in the field to fulfil the behests of a tyrannical King. The strange superstition which transplanted this obsolete principle to free .Colonies, is incomprehensible. Sound reason was for long vainly opposed to inherited prejudice, though the assumption of ordinary affection on the part of a father, is all that is needed to justify the law in directing his real property to be dealt with in case of intestacy in the same way as personal. His power of devise is not as in France restricted ; but when that is not exercised, it may fairly bo presumed ho does not intend to enrich his eldest son,' and condemn his other children to poverty. Higher education has at length been rendered secure by the conclusion of the disputes of the New Zealand University, which is by friendly arrangement to have the solo power of granting degrees, and to bo like the University of London solely an examining body. The perverse opposition by the people of Otago to this course endured so long as to render the friends of education afraid that the young men of the Colony might not in this age be able to acquire a degree of any value in the outer world. While providing for intellectual culture, the material interests of the people were not forgotten. The Government Insurance and Annuities Department, established to give absolute security to those desiring to secure their families from poverty, or to make a modest income safe for their own declining years, was placed in an inferior position in popular estimation to the Mutual Associations, by the absence of any conditions for the distribution of profits among the assured. Gain was the last thing contemplated by the framers of the scheme, and the time had arrived when success was so far certain as to make it expedient to add the temptation of a periodical bonus to the Colonial guarantee. Loss cannot result, and the benefit to the whole community of diminishing the number of unfortunates requiring charitable aid, is amply sufficient to justify some small possible risk. In the direction of inducing the most highly skilled labor to come over and join us the Regulation of Mines Act was passed. Raising sheep and grain will not alone maintain a large population. England owes its preeminence to mines and manufactures, and to tempt high class workmen among us it is necessary to assure them by law that work will not bo permitted to be carried on under conditions less favorable than they have secured at homo by years of selfsacrifice and effort. No'injury is done to the humane employer. Ho is but protected from the competition of reckless speculators who seek to carry on their operations careless of the life or healtlx of

those who may be deluded into accepting wages from them at. their own hourly peril. The success of the Premier’s great policy was made manifest in the large increase of current revenue, an increase not only beyond all precedent, but also beyond the most sanguine expectation. It is proved now to the most timid that the bold proposals of 1870 had in them no trace of the gambling so frequently attributed, and that they were the result of sober calculation by one more capable than his rivals of estimating the future. Among chose formerly opposed it is now conceded, not only that the policy must be pursued, as adopted by the country, but that it will certainly pay. Had there been any wish to' cultivate popularity at the expense of prudence, the adoption of new undertakings would have been the natural course ; but at the risk of offending many staunch supporters, Mr. Vogel determined to pause, and the House has endorsed his proposals. Except to complete certain lines already in progress, the demand on the liberality of Parliament was confined to the pmrchase of railways constructed by the Provinces of Otago and Canterbury. The sum required was large, and after passing the House -of Representatives the other branch rejected the scheme, as they alleged, because the Colony is already liable for the loans from which these lines were originally constructed, and it would be unfair to raise a fresh loan for their purchase, and unwise to hand the money over for expenditure by the Provincial authorities. No doubt when compared with the advances to be made to the other Provinces, the amount for Otago and Canterbury was exceedingly large, and when the whole case became known little sympathy could be felt for Mr. Maoandrew’s troubles. Anticipating the action of Parliament, and relying on an influence that has suddenly collapsed, he had entered into large contracts far beyond the means of his Province to meet. His disappointment was vented against the Government in a singularly offensive manner, but neither by force nor allurements could Mr. Vogel be drawn from the sound position he had taken, that no indemnity resolutions would tempt him into illegal expenditure. Mr. Macandrew’s intimation or menace, whichever it may be called, has done much to extinguish confidence in Provincialism even as conducted in Otago. When Parliament is told that, failing a large sum being raised for any Province, all the agricultural land contained in it will be sold, the Colony is warned of a danger to the immigration policy that must be met and effectually put an end to.

Many things wore said during the recess to warrant the belief that on immigration, if on nothing else, the Government would be assailed. The fraxik statement made by Mr. Vogel, who, in addition to his other onerous duties, had assumed the conduct of the department, which is the very life of his policy, effectually disarmed opposition. Recognising fully the zeal and ability of the Agent-Geuox-al he admitted that faults had been committed, and showed how great a change was accomplished under the more efficient management following the relegation of Mr. O’Rorke to less important duties. The difficulty of procuring a full supply of candidates for immigration has disappeared, and it now only remains for the prudent liberality of Parliament to provide adequate funds. In every Province the absorbing power has proved to be in excess of the most sanguine hopes, and the time has arrived when New Zealand has become so completely established in popular favor at Home as to permit greater rigor in selection without arresting the steady influx of labor. The Premier, with his wonted foresight, sought to pave the way for a variety of useful employment being secured for the large population rapidly occupying the Colony. It is not every one who is disposed to engage in the cultivation of the soil, and from that occupation alone a country cannot become either populous or rich. Hence .arose the scheme for developing a trade with the South Sea Islands, which would furnish a ready market for corn and meat, and a great variety of manufactured goods for which payment would be made in their numerous and valuable products. It was no mere dream of an ardent spirit that commercial intercourse with New Zealand would deliver these Islands from barbarism, suppress slavery, and confer on our own people benefits attainable in no other way. The guarantee to a company of interest on a certain amount of capital, would have been a merely nominal charge, and even if payments wore fora few years required, our additional prosperity, our increased power of receiving immigrants, and the consequent growth of spending power in the whole Colony, would have repaid the cost many times ovei - . Probably it was not amiss to bo content at present with letting opinion grow on the subject. Without careful study the vast advantages to bo attained cannot be fully appreciated, and as these become generally understood the people will urge their representatives to accept the propositions. In like manner the establishment of State Forests—now chiefly dependent, and, we fear, vainly so, on the possible intelligence of the Provincial authorities—may bo deferred to another session. We cannot be insensible to the importance of the steps already taken, which affirm the principle and invito assistance from those constantly boasting of their minute ■ knowledge of the country and burning zeal for its welfare. How far this is more than profession, may bo judged by the virulent opposition to a very small percentage of land being reserved from the estate purchased by Colonial funds. Where the Provincial element was absent a different feeling appeared, and the Legislative Council is to be congratulated on their expressions of regret that the measure was not pressed in its original form. Wearied by persistent obstruction to every measure requiring something wider in its discussion than the parochial mind, it can be no matter of surprise that Mr. Vogel at length gave form to the universal opinion against the continuance of the North Island Provinces. In every branch of administration, it has been abundantly proved how far inferior they are in efficiency, and greater in cost, than the General Government; and Mr. Vogel would have failed in his duty, had he consented to further prolong tlxeir existence. He has been taunted with heat of temper and unseemly haste; but, if he had not taken the initiative, others less tender of Provincial prejudices, and less tolerant of their manifold defects, would have anticipated him. It is well known that even this session the subject would have been brought forward —and it is far more desirable that a gi’eat Constitutional change should be proposed, with all the weight attaching to a Ministry backed by a largo majority, and clearly having nothing to gain from a lino of action abhorrent to some of their supporters. Already the voice of the country in both Islands has spoken in favor of the change —and in the majority of cases, the only regret is, that it is not proposed to ex-

tinguish the system through the whole Colony. No affectionate clinging to Provincialism exists outside the local capitals, and there it is fast dying out. Another year will see strong efforts made to secure one uniform system of government; and, whatever may be the Premier’s present views, he cannot faff to recognise the popular will. If it is'expressed in favor of the Middle Island Provinces, assuredly no attempt will be made to precipitate their inevitable doom. If on the contrary, the constituencies speak out against them, it will not be possible for Parliament to resist a demand coming from the only legitimate source of power. The policy of procrastination would be pushed beyond rational limits if delay were agreed to till after a general election. Constitutional precedents of the highest authority are against such a course, and he must indeed bo an obtuse member who cannot judge what the wishes of the people are without resorting to the ballot-box. The session of 1874 will long be memorable. The rapid increase of prosperity, the successful prosecution of great public works, and the influx of a large addition to our population, have their most salutary result in the expressed desire to become one people with one Government and one Parliament. Local jealousies are fast disappearing, and before the main trunk lines of railway are completed it will be matter of wonder to those who reflect on the past that the priceless benefits of unity had not been sooner demanded.