New Zealand Times. THURSDAY, AUGUST 6, 1874.

New Zealand Times, Volume XXIX, Issue 4174, 6 August 1874, Page 2

New Zealand Times. THURSDAY, AUGUST 6, 1874.

The passage at arms between tho Premier of tho Colony and the Superintendent of the Province of Wellington, whilst the New Zealand Forests Act was under discussion, will naturally form tho subject of some comment in political circles during the next few days. Many persons who will regret that it should have taken place will observe that it was forced upon the Premier. The vicious and venomous remarks of tho Superintendent when he spoke against. tho Bill, his insinuations, and his misrepresentations of tho whole intent of tho measure, necessitated a reply of an exceptionally severe character, His speech was evidently a studied one, and the malice contained in it was aforethought. Wo know that ho is a perfect Thesaurus as far as choice of language is concerned. ’ But when a speaker uses pedantic language like the following “If I wore to listen—l do net merely

mean with my auricular _ appendages, hut with the cerebral attention that listening means, although there is happily a faculty in the human mind enabling that which goes in at one ear to come out at the other, and if not there would be more inmates of the places of refuge for persons with diseased minds than there aro”—we are compelled to conclude that what he says is not to be regarded as the rash utterances of an unthoughtful moment. And, what was the design of the Superintendent is apparent. We know his araiablo feeling towards the Premier on account of circumstances which the latter did deplore but could not control. There is no doubt that if Mr. Fitzherbert could overthrow any Cabinet coach of which Mr. Vogel was the driver the task would be a labor of love to him. But he recognises the fact that he can only sting and annoy, ’and he is sanguine that he may goad Mr. Vogel into some indiscreet utterance or act that may lessen biff power, if not destroy it. The object, we must admit, is not a worthy one, and it is with regret that we allude to it, as there is abundant evidence that both the Superintendent and his principal adviser have what they conceive to bo the welfare of the Province very nearly at heart. But in the case alluded to, their blind, unreasoning aversion to the Premier entirely warps their cooler, better judgment. There are many persons interested in the Province of Wellington who view this state of worse than armed neutrality with very considerable regret; and the most remarkable part of the story is, that, supposing and believing Mr. Fitzherbert and Mr. Bunny are anxious to do the best they can for the Province, they adopt a line of tactics that cannot tend in that direction.

The responsibility of the strife rests with the Superintendent. We have alluded to his speech as having been illogical in argument, inaccurate as to facts, and misleading in its conclusions. In reality it was very much worse than this. Throughout, he endeavored to impress an idea upon the minds of hon. members that the Bill was but a subtle attempt to filch—not only from the public at large, but from individuals in particular. The thieving was not to be an indiscriminate one, but of a description in which malice prepense should have a leading influence. The Native warrior, said he, when he had a “deep and deadly meaning ” in his heart, to ‘ ‘ defeat, slay, and exterminate his foes,” made a kind of a bush screen that should have the appearance of a forest; and the Premier had, “wisely or not, condescended to take a leaf out of the Native book.” And again, though in these “forests of New Zealand there were no poisonous creatures to prevent people going about with danger to their lives,” it “ appeared that a new kind of danger had arisen in the Province we lived in.” He objected to the measure because it did not come before them “in its true colors.” It had but “a shadow to do with forestry.” It was an adroit proposal tosubject thepeople to heavy taxation which would not be endured if imposed “in a vulgar and direct manner.” This was the general feature of his opposition, and the specific one was even more objectionable. “I think,” said he, “there must be something behind this measure having to individuals—something with 'regard to transactions that have recently taken place.” He thought that the aim of a statesman “should not be to spite any particular portion of a country ”—meaning, of course, that the intent of the Premier was to wreak his spite at the Superintendent on the Province of Wellington. The real intent, scope, and meaning of the Bill was, said he, “ not the conservation of the forests of New Zealand, but to take their lands from the Provinces.” The proposal for forestry he described as “an absolute farce, an absolute waste of money, and absurdly ridiculous.” The proposal to make the forests pay the debt on the railways he compared to the case of a person offering “a few bundles of cigars or a little wine ” in liquidation of a debt for advanced money. The Government could not be maligned in this manner without replying. The answer of the Premier was, that if the Superintendent and his chief adviser continued to misrepresent and scandalise the Government there must be war. The conduct of the Provincial authorities had imposed very painful duties on the General Government, of which they were beginning to tire. They would be forced to consider some means of ridding themselves of a liability which was becoming too offensive, and this might take the shape of creating the North Island into one Province, instead of four, in which case the incubus the Superintendent forms might be removed. Different persons will, of course, attach what weight they think proper to this suggestion thrown out. The Premier .has before intimated that he thought to alleviate difficulties constantly arising, Wellington should be declared a Federal City. To us it appears evident that the matter in question has already had the serious attention of the Government. The opinion arrived at is, evidently, that unless the policy or the demands of the Provincial Executive be changed, it will bo the duty of the General Government, either to provide a remedy, or make way for Ministers who can. Then the question becomes of Colonial importance. There is no doubt in the minds of most persons that the head which devised a policy for New Zealand that has lifted it from a career of obscurity, danger, and inertia, to the position of the most prosperous and progressive Colony in the Australasian group, is best fitted to administer that policy. Should the question bo reduced to one of Mr. Vogel or Mr. Fitzherbort the answer of the electors would almost be as that of one man. From the consideration of this it is to be hoped that Mr. Fitzherbert may take warning. Mr. Vogel is quite aware of the two facts that he has a large majority now, and that majorities sometimes fade away in a remarkable manner, for no apparent reason. Should he. scent the battle from afar ho will not postpone if the conflict, or decline a duty which, through disastrous chance, he might not at another time bo so able to fulfil.