LAND OFFICE AND SURVEYS.

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume IX, Issue 957, 4 October 1854, Page 4

LAND OFFICE AND SURVEYS.

The item for Land offices and Surreys struck out, in conformity with the following resolution proposed byjjtfr. Sewell-j— r That the Committee do recommend that the House do present a respectful Address to his Excellency, pointing out for his Excellency's consideration that, hy the provisions of the Constitution Act, the costs, .charges, and expenses incident to the collection, management, and receipt of the Revenue arising from the disposal of the Waste Lands of the Crown, are authorlsrd and required to be paid -by the Governor out of such revenue, and out of the revenue arising from taxes, duties, rates, and imposts levied under any Act or Acts of the General Assembly; that this House earnestly trusts that his Excellency will be pleased to enforce the utmost efficiency aud economy in all de. partments connected with the administration of the Waste Lands, including the Survey Department. And this House_ is of opinion that under present circumstances it will, greatly conduce to such efficiency and economy if the practical control over those departments, as far an possible, be placed under the Provincial Governments. t Customs. The Customs Department was struck out ; the following resolution proposed by Mr. Sewell, was adopted by the .Committee :—: — That by the provisions of the Con§ titution. Act, it is provided that the costs, charges, and expenses of, or incident to the collection, management, and receipt of the Duties of Import and Export, shall b« regulated and audited in such mtnner as snail

be directed by the Commissioners of her Majesty's Treasury. . That under present circumstances it is not expedient Hhat tbis House should assume any regulating control over the charges of that depatment, furtber than expressing its earnest hope that the utmost economy will be observed in reference thereto, consistently with the efficiency of the service That the .Committee, .do.recommend that a respectful address be presented to his Excellency, submitting to Jiim the foregoing resolutions. The following resolution was adopted on the motion of Mr. MoAndiew :—: — That the Committee do recommend to the house, that an addressee presented to his Excellency the Officer Administering the Government, respectfully requesting that he may be pleased to give due effect to the recommendation of the Provincial authorities of Otago with respect to the removal of the Custom House in that Province from Port Chalmers to Dunedin. The following resolution was adopted on the motion of Mr. jerningham Wakefield: — That it Tie a recommendation from this Committee that an humble Address be transmitted to his Excellency, stating it to be advisable that a Collector of Customs, to act for the present also as Resident Magistrate, be appointed for the Chatham Islands, and that provision should be made for the expenses of such an officer. |

Hospitals. Daring the debate on the Civil List, the grants for Hospitals were incidentally discussed at considerable length, Mr. Ludlam contending that the charges for Hospitals where the Natives received care, should, be made a first charge on the portion of the dvil List appropriated to Native ! purposes. Mr. Ludlam put his views in the shape of the following motion : That the Committee do recommend to the house that an Address be presented to his Excellency respectfully requesting His Excellency to place the costs of NatiTc patienti in the Hospitals of the different Provinces, as a first charge on the amount of £7000 reserved for Native purposes on the Civil List. To which Mr. Sewell moved the following amendment: — That a respectful Address be presented to His Excellency, praying him to,place upon the Civil List, a sum not exceeding a£6oo, to be applied towards the establishment of Industrial Schools, and towards other purposes for the benefit of the natives in the provinces of Canterbury, Nelson, and "Otago, as nearly as may be-in equal proportions. The motion was negatived by a majority of 14 to 8, and Mr. Sewell's amendment was carried. Mr, Fitzgerald moved that all the Hospitals be struck out of the General Estimates, and transferred to the Provinces. After a debate the motion was lost. Mr. Fitzgerald further moved that the whole management of the Hospitals be transferred to the Provincial Governments, and that tbe expenses be divided between the General and Provincial Governments in proportion to the numbers of Native and European patients treated. This motion was carried by a majority of 16 to 11. Mr. Fitzgerald moved that all the words after " Hospitals " in the Estimates be struck out, and (hat grants in aid of tbe support of the Hospitals with reference to the benefit of tbe Natives treated therein be inserted. Carried. On tbe motion of Dr. Monro, it was carried that a sum of £500 should be placed on the Estimates for the promotion of Vaccination among tbe Natives.

Native Secretabt's Department. The items under this heading, viz., the sums proposed for the Native Secretary, tbe Junior Clerk, and tbe Maori Messenger were considered one by one, and all struck out.

Post Office Department. The items Postmaster-General, and Office rent were struck out, with the understanding that tbe Depnty-Postmaater at the seat of Government shall act as Postmaster-General for the whole colony. ' The following votes passed tbe Committee :—: — Auckland —

Yesterday, the House went again into Committee of Supply, "and the Report of the Select Committee appointed to report on the amounts to be voted for the expenses of the Assembly was

brought op. No salaries were recommended or voted for the Speakers. The following votes were passed :—— Legislative Councii, Clerk £200 Messenger 75 House op Representatives, Clerk •• •• •• •*.'•• ••£250 . Assistant Clerk 200 " Chairman of Committees »» •• 100 Serjeant-auArms 150 A debate then arose upon the expenses of members. Mr. Mackay moved that a sum of £3400 be appropriated, which would include £1 per diem for each during the session, and also cover the cost of their passages «to and from Auckland. Mr. Sewell moved as an amendment that the allowances to members be ten shillings a day each. This amendment was negatived on a division by a majority of 18 to 6. Mr. Fitzgeraid then moved that their travelling expenses be paid to members who resided more than 20 miles from the Seat of Government, aud that 15s. a day each be paid to all the members. No decision on the question had been come to when the House adjourned until evening. £From the New Zcalander Extra, Sept. 18.] lo the Editor of the "New Zcalander. 1 ' Auckland, Saturday afternoon, 16th September, 1854. Sib, — Not having time to get copies made of a private letter, addressed to a friend in the South, to which I wish to give some circulation, I shall feel greatly obliged if you will do me the favour to print it in your next publication, which I hear will be an Extra in time for the Steamer. I remain | Sir, Your obedient servant, E. G. Wakefield. Auckland, 11th September, 1854. Mt dear , It will be impossible for you to make out of the confused mass of news going by this mail, any clear view of recent events in the Astembly ; that is, until you have had time to digest it. By degrees, however, you will learn that the whole affair, from beginning to end, has turned principally upon the Waste Lands question. Not quite from the" beginning though j because the Responsible Government matter at the opening of the Session was conducted on what may be termed its own merits. But when the concession came — too suddenly for a good use of it — and in such a way a« to enable a vigilant self-seeking party to turn it to their own account, they feet about the work with vigour and skill. That party was the Squattocracy of the Centre, headed by Weld, Clifford, and Revans. They wanted a leader — that is, somebody with some ability in debate. I was out of the question, because they knew I would not incur the labour and responsibilities of office, and, still more, because of the total antagonism of their views and mine on the Land Question. They took Fitzgerald : a capital showman , though altogether want, ing in the qualities which are requisite for real leadership. He had no particular sympathy with their land monopolising objects, but being hugely ambitious of prominence and consequence, was ready to adopt any policy for the sake of playing first fiddle as " Prime Minister." But some practical ability was also needed, especially in the examination of legal questions and the drawing of bills : so they took Sewell, who deserted me for the Solicitor-Generalship in posse, and the prospect of settling difficult questions of his own at Canterbury by means of the alliance with Fitzgerald. And thus, these two, with Weld as a real Squattocrat and devoted ally of Clifford, were set up as a Ministry. Their elation laid the foundation of their ruin. So much had been so easily won, that they thought themselves capable of anything. They forgot my part in the victory, and carefully excluded me from the only part of the spoil that I desired ; namely, that of some voice in determining the general policy of the new Government, and in the selection ot the men by whom it was to be carried out. Then, 1 hey committed all sorts of follies, undei the influence, I have no doubt, of Fitzgerald's presumptuous inexperience and rashness. But the House was delighted with the novelty and prettiness of Responsible Government} and if the Ministers had not been infatuated, they really might have have done anything within the limits of reason and moderation. They offended the North by contemptuous neglect, and by allying themselves with the BrownCarleton party, which has but little real influence, and was at bitter war with the Wynyardites. Then they j also treated the Legislative Council with the same contemptuous neglect, till that body resolved to show its power, as a co-ordinate third part of the Legislature, by having views of Its own. Not to detain you with any account of minor matters, I come to the Waste Lands Bill of the new Government. You will have seen that, virtually, it placed all real power in their own hands as the General Executive. This suited the Southern Squattocracy, who were the main stay of the Ministry, and would have dictated the regulations. A sort of Opposition arose, consisting of two classes — those who wished that the management of the Waste Lands should be enjoyed by the Provinces, and those who wished to make real provision for actual settlement in spite of speculation and monopoly. The Bill would, 1 think, have been thrown out on the second reading, if a further concession by the Governor — that of a fourth seat in the Executive Council, which was given to the Brownite Mr. Bartley — had not made an impression that the Ministry was getting stronger, and would probably last for years. This appearance turned many their way ; and every office-seeker became at- j tached to them. So they carried the second reading by a large majority ; and the common opinion was that they would have their own way all through the Session, and wholly possess the Government afterwards. But I knew better ; seeing plainly that, like all those whom heaven stultifies before destroying them, they were going to ruin through the pride and folly which commonly attend on wealth or power, or any great success, too suddenly obtained. In two words, their heads were turned by too much success— by the want of such impediments as produce reflection and caution. How wealc they were in reality, appears from the effect of | the first trouble with which they had to deal. T iis was my Agricultural or Working Settlers' amendments, moved in Committee on their Waste Lands Bill. You will have seen by the debates what a rage they were in. The minority which voted with me was far from despicable as respects ability and out-of-door influence; whilst not a few sympathised with us who had got irrevocably pledged as supporters of "the Government. However, the amendments were thrown out, as I knew beforehand would he the case. But I also believed that the Legislative Council would adopt them, and would also change the Bill in its leading feature— that of the unconstitutional, and, in free countries unprecedented, legislative power given by it to the Executive. In due time the Ministers discovered what would be the fate of their Bill in the Upper House; and they became wild from fear. And with good reason, for they were in this fix ? if the Bill came back to our House so altered, as it was almost sure to do, (pray mark this point) the Ministers must either have adopted the popular amendments, in which case they would have become weak from loss of prestige-— from the plain evidence of their weakness — or the House would have adopted the amendments in spite of them, when they must have resigned. There was a hobble. Being in this strait, they were in an apt state of miad for lending an ear to violent counsels ; and these they got from the two most reckless .members of the Assembly — Mr. Brown and Dr. Featherston. So they resolved on a bold stroke — that of attempting to coerce the Governor into placing all the offices and all the seats in the Executive Council at their disposal. The Governor's Message, No. 25, shows how they sought to frighten him ; how they were so silly as to tender their resignations ; and how they were defeated in the desperate attempt. Still supported, however, by the vigorous activity, of Sewell, and tjrhapes suggested to them by violen^

prompters, they managed to persuade their supporters that if they stood firm, the Governor would inevitably give way. You will have seen how false this reliance proved. Their fury at the result of my advice to the Governor that he should resist them, you will have seen depicted in a variety of forms. The prorogation actually drove them mad, unless we are to belitve, as some do, that the turbulent scenes.of the day of prorogation were intended to alarm the Governor and make him give way at last.

'At any rate, they had now got go inflamed, and into such a position of irreconcilable difference with the GoTernor, that a Second Session, with Ministers taken from the minority, though attempted as a proper experiment, offered scarcely any hope of success. It, however, got for New Zealand a declaration of policy by the Governor's speech (when he opened the second eeision) on which I, for one, cannot help letting a. high value. That policy, the majority rejected by their Address in answer to the Speech. And now New Zealand will be divided for a Bhort' time into two parties — those who adopt the Governor* policy, and those who stand by the majority of the House who rejected it. The Session afterwards could be nothing but a mess; and yet some legislation is so very needful—more especially as to Estimates and Appropriation of Revenue — that it seemed right to keep the Session alive as long as possible. It was doomed to die on the arrival of the steamer. Meanwhile, the House is scrambling through the Estimates, and passing some useful bills. The Marriage Bill seems likely to pass; the reform of the Tariff will be attempted. But the confusion is such that nobody can guess at what may happen from day to day. Fittgerald attempts to lead as before, but has no influence. In concert with the party, he got a Waste Lands Bill through our House, the avowed object of which is to restrain the Governor from doing anything with the Waste Lands except as desired by the present Provin- i cial Superintendents and Council*. .But this Bill will ; not pass the Legislative Council. On the contrary, it will I think, be so " amended" as to be made a totally different measure. That point will be settled to-mor-row ; and 1 shall wait for the issue before finishing my letter. 13th September. Fitzgerald's Waste Lands Bill has come back from the Legislative Council so altered as not to be recognised. Or rather, that Bill disappeared; and a new one was passed by the Legislative Council, which the Representative house have swallowed whole. The bolus was nauseously disgusting tothe majority, but they pretended to like it. Anythft rather than acknowledge the mortifying defeat ! And they have another reason for professing to be charmed with the new measure. In order to explain this fully, I must describe a very remarkable and important change in the mind of the Monopolist party, which has taken place since they became convinced that their design to obtain entire possession of the General Executive was irrevocably frustrated. This effect on them was produced by a few days' reflection on his Excellency's POPULAR POLICY SPEECH at the opening of the Second Session. They felt that all their schemes were defeated— all their hopes disappointed — and probably for ever. At «ny r»t«, there was no longer the slightest chance of their return to power in the General Government : what was even worse, the Governor, with his old Execntive Council, and the minority of ten in the House of Representatives, had framed and laid before the country a general policy which was sure to be approved by the great majority of the electors: and moreover, fresh elections, both General and Provincial, were indicated by his Excellency as a means of testing public opinion with regard to his new policy. The majority were in a most sorry plight. For about a week, extreme dejection marked their countenances. Here, in Auckland, nothing was left for them to do. Bitter disappointment and total inaction are terrible companions. Some said that the party would never rally. I thought otherwise, and even suspected what has actually happened. It is true that, as a party going for the possession of the General Government, they have not rallied ; but, abandoning entirely that hopeless object, theyhave taken up another, the pursuit of which now engages all their thoughts, and has. therefore, naturally raised their spirits. They have discovered a future : they have found something to think about, and something to do. Discarding entirely their ideas of centralisation— of degrading the -Provincial Governments (as by their dead Empowering Bill)— of turning the Executive Council into a legislature with regard to Waste land— and of obtaining all the seats in that Council and all the ofiices for their p ar ty_they have turned their thoughts towards the Provinces, and have resolved to go for all power there. But by whut means ? You will stare at the answer, but will find It come true to the letter. They will, as Pro. vincialists, adopt, and call their own, those principles and objects which constitute the policy of the Governor s Speech. When opposing that anti-central, pro-Pro-vincial policy, they confided the lead in the opposition —that is, the conduct of their Opposition Address in answer to his Excellency* Speech— to Dr.Monro^and Mr. Carleton, the mover and seconder thereof, who are distinguished from the other members of the House of Representatives by their extreme anti-Provincialism or ultra-Centralism. In rainy other ways, mo long as they deemed it possible to frighten his Excellency by bullying, and indeed until some calm reflection during the fortnight's prorogation, they exhibited a fierce hostility to the principles on which the Governor's policy is founded. But now they' speak of it as good, sound, excellent, their own— just what they always adtmred and loved, and intended to carry out if time had but been allowed to them: "only the Governor does not go far enough : he ought to have abolished the General Government, by giving sovereign power tothe Provinces; he ought to have proposed setting apart not one-third, but two-thirds of the Waste Lands for Working or Occupying Settlers : he ought to have shown such regard for the opinions of the people as to promise fresh elections every year; and 80 forth. His Excellency goes for popularity does he ? Well, two can play at that game ; and it remains to be seen which will win. Popular policy indeed ! It is not his, but ours. He stole it from us. and we will take'it back, to worlc it in the Provinces." These imaginary words express the real present tactics of the party. If you doubt, you will soon be convinced by the doing* of the three Superintendents of the centre — I mean Featherston, Stafford, and Fitzgerald. You will not have to watuh long. If my prediction should be falsified by their conduct, I will confess myself a most mistaken prophet. But now comes another consideration, to which I request the special attention of our friends. Need I say that the popular professions of the Oligarchal party of the Centre are utterly insincere ? In other words, they are as sincere sswasthatFeatherstonFox claim on the New Zealand Company for compensation of the losses and sufferings of the Working Class of emigrants, which was converted mto — what shall I say ?— increase of riches for the applicants and their friends, in utter disregard, of the popular grievance which they so warmly pressed on the Company, and which is still wholly unredressed. Well, and if so, the Squattocrats, you think, will not succeed in their popularity-hunt. I don't know. -It is hard to say what may be the result. This we do know— that the Oligarchal parties in Wellington and Nelson, though never really sympathising with the people, always managed, by means of their hostility to a form of Government nobody liked, to obtain the confidence of many who did not perceive that the aim of the " Constitutional Association " was to obtain power for themselves. Those leaders resembled, as they still resemble the old Whig nobility it home, who always sought to make use of the people in their " opposition to- the Crown, and, when they got into power thereby, cast away the peel of the orange they had sucked. Have they any loyalty ? No. Can they be attached to any Government not directed by themselves ? Again, No: What have they ever done for the people, except as their " Constitutional.'-' efforts for themselves helped a little (not much,~for the work was really done by Colonial Reformers at home), to obtain- representative institutions for this country ? Again, nothing. -But what matters all that, when the only organized party, and one no lesr skilful than unscrupulous in the art of misrepresentation, has a'l that it holdt dear at stake on the single issue of whether it can now persuade the people to believe that their welfare is its only object ? On the whole, I deem it possible that many trill be led to believe tbia. But many — and more especially, those who judge by the past— will not. If the former should be

a majority, they will unquestionably hare their own way : for I consider that both General and Provincial elections, including Superintendents, are inevitable ere long. The real question for the people at those elections will not, I think, be between two different policies or sets of profession!, but between two sets of men professing the same policy — that of the Governor*! speech — the one set in earnest, and therefore worthy of confidence in the future adniinittration of the policy— the other insincere, and upon whom this popular policy has been forced by the Governor and his present advisers, with support of only ten in the House of Representatives. Let the people choose ! Such is the law of onr free Constitution • and I, for one, rejoice in knowing that the decision which so deeply affects three Provinces, rests with the people alone. Otago is sure to agree with the Governor, and tineerely. So the elections will change nothing, either General or Provincial. Indeed, as the Waste Land Regulations which Superintendent Cargill and - his Council will present to the Governor, are sure to agree with his Excellency's views and be so honestly framed as to give real and full effect to them, whilst the people there have entire confidence in their present Superintendent and Council, a fresh Provincial Election in that Province would seem undesirable ; but I believe that it will be asked for by the concurrent voice of the people and their present Government in order that his Excellency may be entirely satisfied that the present elected authorities do truly represent the people. It is understood that the two members from Otago (who were deserted by the third just when the Fitzgerald Ministry seemed all-powerful) will leave Auckland entirely satisfied with the result of the two Sessions ; so far, that is, as their Province is concerned, though they of course participate in the common shame at the break-down of the first attempt at Representative Government for New Zealand as a whole. Poor New Plymouth' suffers most from that event. No other Province stood in such' need of fostering aid from the General Legislature and the friendly action of a General Executive empowered to assist her,. Her representatives, prompted by her Superintendent, joined the majority early, and have stuck to it throughout ; and they go home to report that they might as well have staid at home for any good that their Province will derive from their visit to Auckland. Except at conitant supportera of Fitzgerald and Co, by their votes, they have been thorough nonentities. My advice to them at first, which they adopted, was to fraternise with the Otago members, so that the two Provinces, acting together in the House, should have as much weight for each as if each had been represented by sir members; but when Superintendent Brown arrived, he upset that arrangement by cottoning with the Ministry, and inducing Messrs. King, Crompton, and Gledhill, to become its devoted partisans. If the Taranaki people have any sense, they will seize the first opportunity of choosing members and a Superintendent, with some notion of the exceptional position of their Province, and of the peculiar means by which alone it can be enabled to emerge from its present stagnation. The Northern community (except always the Brown - Carleton party, which has sunk many degrees through its own blind and silly handling of a fine opportunity for gaining strength) are rather pleased than otherwise at the issue of the first meeting of the General Assembly. Indeed, they have really gained by it in a proportional or comparative sense. They were seriously afraid that, in the General Assembly, they should be swamped by the large Southern majority ; and so, most assuredly they would have been if the Governor had yielded to the Sewell-Fitzgerald menaces. They now see the danger, and the narrowness of their escape from it. They joined the South heartily in insisting upon Ministerial Responsibility, and were rewarded for their generous trust in the justice of the Soutn, by being treated with contempt by the first Responsible Government. They were over-crowed, too, in the House of Representatives by tbe superior debating ability of the Southern members ; and though they admitted this with really admirable candour and good humour, yet they could not but feel it. Not» the South has been disgraced by its own rep/esentatives ; and the North has got all that it wants for the present. "As the Auckland Superintendent and Council unquestionably enjoy the confidence of the people, there will be no need of Provincial elections here ; and the Provincial Government, using the Waste Lands Act which has been substituted for tbe SeweD-FitigeraJd Bill, may work effectually in promoting the settlement of the country and immigration from Home. ' The admission by the House of Representatives of the justice ot relieving Auckland from all part in the Company's Debt, has healed a rankling sore in the feelings of the Northern community. The settlement of the Seat-of-Govern-ment question has been postponed sine die by the blundering of the Fitzgerald Ministry ; and Auckland remains the capital of New Zealand. Auckland, which was apprehensive and depressed, now laughs aloud ; and " those laugh who win." Nor do they laugh the less when they acknowledge that they did not win by their own skill, but by the wretched play of the Southern leaders. And, lastly, the North has gained immensely, with a view to the future, and even to the present in its Provincial affairs, by the lessons in politics which this first meeting of the Assembly has taught. Henceforth Auckland will be as political as Wellington or Nelson ; and this, considering what sort of a constitution we live under, will prove incalculably beneficial to a community which never thought about politics before the Assembly met. On the whole, Auckland may well be delighted. I shall not close this letter till after the Prorogation,, which is now fixed for Saturday, at three o'clock. 16th September. The Prorogation is over. Of course it was a quiet affair. You will admire his Excellency's good humour in complimenting the Houses on their work during the brief Session. Some useful work hat been done, bat not much. If I had time to explain you would understand that the best of it really originated with the Legislative Council, whose position enabled some of its members to " arrange" matters with the majority in the other house. A good example is the process whereby tbe Fitzgerald party in our house, represented by Bell in the Council, made believe to approve the " Amendments" which wholly changed the character of their measure. Speaking generally, the proceedings in our house have been most unsatisfactory, not to say disgusting. " Order" was deliberately suspended; Voting of the Estimates were little better than a scramble among the Provinces,, and often " for a friend." At last, when the House had become utterly exhausted ■with mental *nd bodily fatigue, by many days' work of fourteen hours' each, a few strong members amused themselves by moving abstract Resolutions of the most important character, which were adopted of course. Itwas a burlesque of legislative deliberation and action. To me, therefore, and indeed I believe to all for one reason or another, our dismissal is an immense relief. From yours most sincerely. E. G. Winmw. P.S. — With reference to the statement above, that the Sewell-Fitzgerald Ministry was urged on to, selfdestruction by violent counsellors, the following 1 extract from a leading article in the " Southern Cross" of the 29th August last — a paper which gave the most devoted support to that Ministry, and which treats their memory as " blessed"— will convey to you, in an amusing form, the Ministerial organ ide* of the kegimng of their end. After describing the delicious smoothness of tbe first part of their career, the " Cross" continues thus — "But these halcyon days were not of long duration. Sinister rumours were beginning to spread without, and a certain feeling of dissatisfaction — of vague suspicion — was beginning to arise within the house. Some of the I firmest supporters of the Ministry were growing uneaoy, ; fearful that they were being trifled with, and anxious that soinetliing definite should be arrived at. In fact, j the Ministry had been as remiss with the House as Sir Andrew' Aguecheek with Olivia, and had sailed accordingly into the-'North Pole of the House's opinion, where they were hanging like icicles on a Dutchman's beard, i until they should redeem it by some notable effort, either I of valour or of policy. — There was nothing for it but to exasperate them to awake their dormouse vtlour, to put fire in their hearts, and brimstonain their livers ;— a frocett which wat performed upon them ly tome of their matt ttaunch allies.

£ i. d. £ Postmaster 300 0 0 Chief Clerk .. ..200 0 0 Second Clerk and s. d. Messenger . . . . 150 0 0 Village- Postmasters and Letter-carriers 150 0 0 Contingencies.. ..200 0 0 1000 0 0 Wellington — • - postmaster •• --300 0 0 Clerk 100 0 0 District Postmasters and Letter-carriers 50 0 0 Extra for Postmaster at Hutt „ . . 20 0 0 Contingencies and gratuitie 100 0 0 Rent •• •« •• 35 0 0 605 0 0 WKANGAHtfI, OB PfiTRB — Postmaster .. .. 60 0 0 Contingencies.. ..20 0 0 80 o 0 New Pltmouth — Postmaster •• --100 0 0 Contingencies . . . . 52 0 0 District Postmaster.. 36 0 0 188 0 0 Nelson— Postmaster •• -^SO 0 0 Contingencies, including building of office and gratuities 220 0 0 Inter-PfojMncial com- " munication between Nelson and Wellington, and with the Watrau and Motueka Districts «*2OO 0 0 ' 670 0 0 Cahterbukt— Postmaster •• ..200 0 0 - Sub-posts, Christchurch 250 0 0 Contingencies and gratuities .-. •• 80 0 0 530 I 0 0 Otago — Clerk, Sub-post at Dunedin, and contingencies .. ..150 0 0 Postal Inter-Provincial between Auckland, New Plymouth, and Wellington •• •• •• '•• •• 500 The steamer Nelson 6000 0 0 0 0