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OPENING OF THE FRENCH CHAMBERS. THE EMPEROR'S SPEECH,

The great event of yesterday (March 2) in Paris was the opening of the Legislative Session by the Emperor in person. The ceremony took

place in the Salle de MarSchaux, in the palace of the Tuileries, at 'two o'clock. The senators and members of the Legislative Corps were all in grande tenne. The Emperor was accompanied by the Empress, and, having taken his seat on the throne, delivered the following Message :—: — " Messieurs les Senateurs, Messieurs les Deputes : •' Since your last session, two questions, you ore aware, have occupied the attention of the country — tbe insufficiency of the last harvest and the external difficulties. But these questions, I hasten to declare, already inspire infinitely less apprehension, because, notwithstanding their gravity, their extent may be measured and limited. *' The insufficiency of the harvest was estimated at about 10 millions of hectolitres of wheat, representing a value of nearly 300 millions of franc*, and tbe lading of 4000 veasels. Could the Government undertake the purchase of these 10 millions of hectolitres on every point of the globe, in order to seil them afterwards in aft the markets of France? Experience and prudence affirmed clearly enough that anch a mc-asuro would have been eneompasoed with embarrassments of an insurmountable character, and with inconvenience end dangers without number. Private enterpriss alone possessed the financial end -material means of effecting so great an operation. The Government consequently adopted the only course that was practicable ; it encouraged freedom of transactions, by delivering the corn trade from every impediment. The high price of an article ao necessary to the general alimentation of the country is without doubt a calamity ; but it was neither possible aor desirable to evade it as long as the deficiency was not provided for ; for if tbe price of wheat had been lower in France than In the circucaadjacent countries, tbe foreign markets would have been supplied at the expense clours. " That state of things was nevertheless certain to produce a situation of difficulty, which could only ba combated by activity of employment, or by private chanty, The Government therefore, applied iteelf from the commencement of the year, to opening credits which, exceeding by a few millions flaly tbe resources of the budget, will, with tbe co-operation of the communes and of the various companies, insure the execution of a mass of public works, estimated at nearly four million of francs, without reckoning two millions appropriated by the Minister of the Interior to chad- \ •table establishments. " I recommend above oil to your attention the I system now adopted by the city of Paris ; for if it extends, a3 I trust it will, to the whole of France, it will for the future prevent in the price of corn those extreme variations which, in times of abundance, cause agriculture to languish in consequence of the low price of wheat, an.J, in years cf scarcity, force the poorer classes to suffer so greatly from its excessive dearnesa. " That system consists in establishing in nil tbe great centres of population an institution of credit under the name of Caisse de Boulangerie, which can give, during the months of a year of dearth, bread at a price infinitely lower than tbe official quotation, on condition of paying a little dearer for it in yeaTS of fertility. These latter being in general more numerous, it is easy to conceive that the compensation between tbe two can be effected with facility. In addition, this immense advantage i 3 gained of founding societies of credit, which in lieu of gaining so much the I rnoro when brea-1 is dear, are interested, like e7ery ; one else, in its becoming cheap ; for, contrary to what has existed up to the present time, they make their profits in seasons cf fertility, and lose money ia seasons of scarcity. ** I am happy now to announce to you that seven millions of hectolitres of foreign wheat have been already delivered for public consumption, independently of the quantities now on their way, and ia store ; and that consequently tbe most difficult moments of tbe crisis are past. " There is one circumstance that has rnnis a profound impression en me— and that it is, that during all this severe winter not an accusation baa been direrted against tbs Government, and that tbe people have submitted v/ith resignation to sufferings which they were just enough to impute to circumstancea alone — anew proof of their conviction that tbeir well-being is, before anything, the object of my constant pre-occupations. But hardly haa the scarcity approached its terminEtion when war commences, " Last year, in my speech on the opening of the session, I promised to make every effort to main- ; tain peace, and reassure Europe (ef rasszirer V Europe), 1 have kept ray word. To avoid a struggle I went aa far as honour permitted me. Europe knows now in a manner beyond doubt that if France draws the sword it is because she has been forced to do ao. It knows that France entertains no ideas of aggrandisement. Sbo only wishes to resist dangerous encroachments (empietements dangereux). Therefore lam proud to proclaim openly that the time tf conquest is past irrevocably ; for it ia not by extending its territorial limits that a nation can henceforth be honoured and powerful — it i 3 by placing itself at the head of generous ideas, by making everywhere prevail tbe empire of Right and of Justice. Behold, as an example, the results of a policy without egotism and without ai riere pensee f Behold, England, that ancient rival, who will tighten tbs bonds of an alliance with us which will become daily more intimate, because the ideas which we defend are at the same time those of tbe English people ! Germany, which the remembrence of ancient wars still rendered distrustful, and which for that reason gave for forty years perhaps too many proofs of deference to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, has already recovered the independence cf its movements, and freely considers upon which side are its interests, " Austria, especially, which cannot look with indifference upon the events that are in preparation, enters into our alliance, and will thus confirm tbe character of morality and justice of the war which we undertake (que novs entreprenons). " The state of the quesiionis precisely this; — Europe, occupied with internal strugglea since forty years, re-assured, moreover, by the moderation of the Emperor Alexandpr in 1815, as by that of his successor, down to the present day, appeared not to be aware of the danger that might menace it on the part of the colossal Power which, by its successive invasions, embraces the north and the centre, which almost exclusively possesses two inland stas, from which it is easy for its armies and its fleets to throw themselves upon our civilization. An ill-founded claim (jaret&itiori) at Constantinople sufficed to arouse slumbering Europe. "We have, in 'act, beheld in the Easf, in the

midst of profound peace, a sovereign exact suddenly, from his weaker neighbour, new advantages, and, because he did not obtain them, invade two of his provinces. '" This fact alone would place arms in the hands of those whom iniquity revolts ; but we have other reasnns to support Turkey. France has as much, and perhaps more, interest at stake than England to prevent the extension of the, influence of Russia indefinitely over Constantinople, for lo reign at Constantinople is to command the Mediterranean, and not one of you, Gentlemen, I think, will say that England alone has interests in that sea which washes three hundred leagues of oar dbores. Moreover, this policy does not date from yesterday. For centuries every national Government in France has maintained it. I shall not abandon it. Let men then no more say, * 4 What are yon going to do at Constantinople V We are going there with England to defend the cause of the Sultan, and nevertheless, to protect the rights of the Christians. We go there to protect the freedom of the seas aud our just influence in the Mediterranean. We go there with Germany to assist it in maintain - | ing the rank of which it seemed an attempt was made to deprive it — to mako sure its frontiers against the invasions of a too-powerful | neighbour. We go there, finally, with all those who desire the triumph of ri^ht, of justice* and of civilization. "In this solemn circomstance, gentlemen, as in all those in which I am obliged to maks an appeal to the country, I am sure of your support, for 1 have always found in you the generous eeutiments which animate the nation. " Therefore, strong in that support, in the nobility of the caaso, ia the sincerity of our allies, and confiding especially in the protection of God, I hope shortly to attaiu a peace which it will not be in the power of any ons to trouble with impanity." During the delivery of this speech the Emperor was more than once interrupted by applause, which was particulaily drawn forth by the ailnsion to the intimate alliance with England, and in which the Empress was observed to join heartily. The cries of " Bravo ! Vivs T Empernir /" werB renewed at it 3 close.

Permanent link to this item
Hononga pūmau ki tēnei tūemi

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NZSCSG18540701.2.7

Bibliographic details
Ngā taipitopito pukapuka

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume IX, Issue 930, 1 July 1854, Page 4

Word count
Tapeke kupu
1,540

OPENING OF THE FRENCH CHAMBERS. THE EMPEROR'S SPEECH, New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume IX, Issue 930, 1 July 1854, Page 4

OPENING OF THE FRENCH CHAMBERS. THE EMPEROR'S SPEECH, New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume IX, Issue 930, 1 July 1854, Page 4

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