THE MONROE DOCTRINE. [From the New York Journal of Commerce.]

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume IX, Issue 829, 13 July 1853, Page 4

THE MONROE DOCTRINE. [From the New York Journal of Commerce.]

The connexion maintained with South America by, our "people is slight, either social or political. Kossutb, in one of his eloquent speeches, said truly, that we* we're nearer to the continent of Europe, measured as distance now is, and more closely allied to it, than to our southern neighbours. That' marked separation exists between North and South America which arises from difference 'in language. The language of South American States is less known and taught within our limits than are other foreign tongues. The people arc -not homogeneous with us in any respect They have no traditions iv which we take pride. There are no associations, tbtt unite us. They have no literature, no history that interests or instructs. AJthough connected with North America by a narrow isthmus, its length has never been as much travelled, since it was formed, as is the Hudson in, a single year. We are, in effect, separated from, it by the same ocean tbat separates vi from Europe,' Asia, and Afiica. Our intercourse is wholly by commerce. Throughout the whole .length and breadth of the United States there are now half a [dozen intelligent- people who wpuld Vse, a night's sleep if they should.hear to-morrow that any present system of Government had been changed for any other system which the people, or the rulers of any State might select. The opinion is widely entertained by reflecting men, that ther^e is scarcely one population in all South America which is

fitted for a Democratical or even a Republican Government. T«eir system, whatever it is, is often changed, and tb^^pcetacle of a solid, firm, and respectable Government, if witnessed at all, is witnessed for only those short intervals when an energetic ruler exercises tbrongh military force a stern command over the people. The Monroe doctrine, as understood by a few sena-tors-who make their speeches after the nightmare, is intended to apply chiefly to that country. The real objects of President Monroe, as explained by Mr. Calhoun (who, at the time of the promulgation of the doccrine, was in the Cabinet), and as since explained by Mr. Mason, were very different from those now-attributed to him by statesmen of diseased fancies. But let it be assumed that the latte.- are correct, and see how the matter stands. The President is not the authorised exponent of the sentiments of the American people. There are other branches of the Government which have a voice in the establishment of its policy ; and neither they nor the people have reached that state of subservieticy which senators suppose in their present ridiculous assumptions. The Senate and House of Representatives of the time doubtless knew that the menace contained in President Monroe's Message had been suggested if not invited by Great Britain, to induce Spain to desist from further and hopeless' attempts to reconquer her lost colonies. They, therefore, neither adopted nor disputed what was thus proclaimed. It performed its office at the time. It can never be revived and adopted by the Congress of the United States without an exhibition of folly such at would consign an individual who thus managed his private affairs to have a commission of lunacy established over him. If we issue a threat in advance, we make it easy for the other Powers of the world to select the time and opportunity for a war with us, dictated by thefr interests, or force upon us the alternative of retreating from an adopted policy. Why should we be in this position ? The world will not know, if we go to war on such a point, whether we do so because we said so (which woald be ridiculous if we were wrong,) or whether war were entered upon as a protection against invasion commenced through a remote territory. True wisdom consists in that policy which \eaves the country open at the time to determine on the character of any particular act, whether or not it is hostile in intent or effect, and then to do what the emergency requires. The opposite policy ties up our hands, deprives us of the opportunity to exercise our reason when emergencies occur, commits us to what may be exceedingly foolish wars, and keeps mankind in a continual ferment about the veriest trifles. The Senate has thus far occupied an important session in a debate marked by its loose morality on the subject of acquiring Cuba, and for its nonsense iv attempting to give life to an exploded doctrine of President Monroe. "We should care little for the effect of their debates, so far as concerns the consumption of tim<», were it not that they go forth to the country to poison the sii>ds of newly-arrived foreigners, who are too ignorant of our institutions to form accurate opinions on these points. Ail solid American citizens understand and plainly express their detestation of movements i>f that character. The consumption of time in the Senate and House of Representatives' is often the most valuable economy. It frequentlyVefca's legislation of an erroneous character. It dcs-roys some vile plan for reaching the treasury of the country. It prevents those perpetual changes under which the great industry of the nation is disturbed — some-times-prostrated. A small annual add.tion to our statute book is the best fruit of legislative labours. The evil of doiog nothing is uot to be compared to that resulting from tinkering and meddling too much. " Let us afone," is a policy to be proclaimed in legislative halls. No, it is not that we wish measures passed that we desire that this debate were terminated-; it is because the debate exhibits us to careless observers bere and abroad as a turbulent, uneasy, thieving, and boasting nation, which is the character only of those who of late have been thrown on the surface, and with prominence, by the boiling of political tempests, and by no means of the great body of American people. The great body of the people of the United States are of that respectable, quiet, and firm cast which waits for proper occasion and necessity before making proclamations. They prefer rather to act than to. speak, ard to act with well directed energy when such necesskv arises. They do not thank any Senator for a threat or a boast in advance. It generally shows weakness and want of manly confidence to declare that we are ready to " whip " all mankind. A little examination of the real condition of our army and oavymsy show that our capacity to carry out great boasts against strong Powers and on a distant theatre is ridiculous. Pretensions of that character call for a large standing army and a powerful navy. The policy which seeks, in a generous rivalry with the nations of the earth to develop the industry of our citizens, their skill iv navigation and in the arts, an<i the real wealth and greatness of the country, requires neither army nor navy, except what is necessary as a discipline, and to maintain the police of nations. The large army of the Romans, established as part of their system of conquest and invasion, was ultimately turned upon themselves. The desire to conquer and control others introduced lhem to final subjection and overthrow. America would quickly repeat this example if the heated minds of a few shortsighted politicians could chalk out the policy of the country.. We commend to their study the fable of the dog who, seeing in the water the image of the meat he was carrying, dropped the substacce to secure the shadow. Such will be the just punishment of grasping ambition.