STATE OF AUSTRALIA. [From the Times, May 17.]

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume VIII, Issue 749, 6 October 1852, Page 4

STATE OF AUSTRALIA. [From the Times, May 17.]

We rejoice to see that the 1 truly alarming state of Australia has at last drawn to it the attention of the Government, and that an effort, however s fight, is to he made to shake off the listless apathy with which the question has been treated. It is something to have obtained an admission from the Colonial Minister that emigration alone is no adequate remedy, and that mere laissez faire can never arrest the disorganization of a community trembling on the very, verge of dissolution, which unless averted by some external force, must infallibly take place. It is something', also, to see tb£ grievances of a remote dependency met in a careful and conciliatory temper, free from the aibitrary and dictatorial spirit of Lord Stanley, or the narrow piques and prejudices which disfigured the administration of Lord Grey. On this as on other occasions we bave pleasure in recognising the good qualities of Sir John Pakington, whose office happily exempting him from the necessity of dissimulation and mystification, seems to have become one of tbe easiest and most agreeable in Lord Derby's Cabinet, Sir John Pakington proposes to send 400 troops and a ship of war to_ Melbourne, and 200 troops to Sydney, to prevent the desertion of seamen from the ships in harbour. For these troops he proposes that tbe colonists should pay. We quite admit the principle that tbe burden of maintaining troops in colonies enjoying full powers of local self-government, when such troops are employed for -colonial purposes, ought not to be thrown upon the Imperial revenue, but should be defrayed from the resources of the colonies themselves. In the present instance, however, we observe that neither of these conditions arises. Tbe service required from the i troops is not of a colonial, but of an imperial nature, and the colonies are far, very far, from being entrusted with powers of .self-government. The object of sending troops is to prevent desertion from merchant ships — a most desirable end certainly, but one in which the colony is indirectly interested, and has, indeed, opposing and contradictory interests. If^on the one hand freight is raised by the impunity and facility of desertion, on tbe other, a community perishing for want of labour receives a seasonable supply from such a source. The interest of the shipowner is clear and undoubted, and government has done well and wisely to look to it ; but it is by no means clear that the colonists ought to b"e~ called, upon to pay all the cost of troops whose principal object will be to check the influx o population. WaviDg, however, this objection, which is comparatively of small importance, let us see how far our treatment of these colonies justifies us in considering them as quasi independent States having full control over their own revenues,' complete powers of management of their local affairs, and therefore liable to defray any expense which the Imperial Treasury may incur on their behalf. If we give up our old practice of meddling with the local affairs of these distant communities, it is no doubt equally just that they, in their turn, should surrender all claim from us for assistance in the expenses of their internal government. They can then raise such a revenue as tbey think fit ; and that revenue, not ours, is the proper fund for all their expenses. But, if we insist on appropriating large portions of that revenue as we please, and in a manner quite different from that which the colonists themselves would choose — if we will not trust them to make the most insignificant regulation for themselves without reserving the royal veto upon it — if we will not allow them to have the slightest influence upon the management of their own waste lands, the appointment of their own officers, or the personnel of their executive government, we must not expect that they will cheerfully consent to pay our demands upon a revenue which we have been careful in so many ways to anticipate. Now, let us see how this matter really stands. We take from the Australian colonies, under the name of a civil list, upwards of a hundred and fifty thousand pounds a year, which they are compelled to pay over to such purposes as Parliament has directed, before they are permitted to touch a single shilling of the revenue which tbey bave raised by taxing themselves. Tbey are also compelled to support a Customs' depart- < ment, appointed' and salaried by the Home Go- \ vernment. At this- heavy- price -they are forced to purchase the right of appropriating tbe re- > mainder of the revenue by their own votes, vt i rather by a Chamber, one- third of which is nominated by the Crown. The, whole of the funds j arising from the sale and letting of tbe land are j taken away from the cognizance of the local Legislature, and appropriated at the will of three j Lords of the Treasury. It appears to us perfectly unreasonable to expect that communities so situated will endure at the same time the evils of ' tutelage and independence, and while forced to submit to the restraints of infancy, will undertake the duties and reponsibilities of manhool. If they are to find tbe ways and means, they ought also to have the right of appropriating them, and the. first step towards making the colonies self-supporting is to make them, self-govern-ing- \ We are informed that a resolution has been , agreed to by the Legislative Council of N>. S. ' Wales, offering to undertake the expense of their military defence in consideration of tbe surrender of the land fund. It would be quite in accordance with tlie Colonial Office^jjractice to accept ' the offer without the surrender • and, indeed, as ' the management of tb* waste lands cannot be , vested in the Colonial Legislature! without an i Act of Parliament, and as Sir J. Pakington has not announced his intention to introduce any such

measure, this appears to be really the case. The colony makes an offer in consideration of a benefit, and the Colonial Office forces upon the colony the performance of its offer, and withholds the benefit altogether. Before, however, Sir J. Pakington ventures on this course, le.t him well count the cost. The land fund is worth nothing to the Imperial Government, but is of priceless value to the colony ; and, if their advances towards a compromise are met in such a spirit, there is no reason to doubt that this is the last offer of a peaceful nature which the Colonial Office will ever -receive. We would press on the Colonial Minister a wider view of the subject. Great as are said to be the losses of the British shipowner, they ate as nothing compared to those of the Australian capitalist. Ships deserted by their crews, may be recovered under more favourable circumstances, but aheep and cattle untended are doomed to immediate destruction. The same principle which induces him to send a small' force to protect the one, ought to compel him to send one sufficiently large to protect the other. There is the same risk of desertion in either case, and if it be possible to retain soldiers in the vicinity of gold lor the purpose of coercing runaway sailors, it is equally possible when the objectis to-control mutinous miuers. It is impossible not to be struck with the di'fferencejbelween our proceedings at the Cape and in Aust^lia^ln^e former we are employing 12 regiments entirely at the" cost of this country, toconquer a wortblessiountry, to destroy the crops of our enemies, and ||§ carry on a contest at which humanity shua^rs. In Australia onefifth of this force woulofprotjably be sufficient to preserve a vast capital, to savt a flourishing com? munity, and to raise a lkrge revenue, without costing this country a farthing ; and yet, in' this enlightened age we prefer to squander our ■ money in spreading desolation over South Africa, ; rather than save it by diffusing the blessings of ! peace and abundance over the settlements of Australia.