SECRET HISTORY OF THE FRENCH COUP D'ETAT. [From the Morning Chronicle.]
Information bearing every mark of authenticity, has reached us, which seems to lead to the startling conclusion that the whole of Louis Napoleon's Presidential existence was one continuous and sustained conspiracy for the overthrow of the Republic. If recent revelations may be credited, he did not suffer a single week, to elapse after he became the elect of six millions, before he proposed to a distinguished General to assist him for striking for Empire. On the very day when he was formally proclaimed, and took the oath of office, he renewed the proposal. Not many weeks later (in January, 1846), considerI able alarm was excited by rumours of a meditated rising of the Republicans, backed by some battalion of the Garde Mobile. The incipient insunection was suppressed by the vigilance of Changarnier, who repaired to the Elys6e, and reported that fie could answer for the safety of Paris. Upon hearing this, the President suggested that the moment was favourable for settling authority upon a firmer basis, and he produced a proclamation, ready drawn, which was supposed to differ little in essential points from the first with which the walls of Paris were placarded on the morning of the 2nd of December. Changamier reiused to look at it, and referred the Prince to his ministers, whom, it, is said, he then sounded as to his scheme, but found them equally unwilling to listen to it. At a subsequent period, when Changarnier wa& at the culminating point of his influence, this general received overture after overture of the same description from the Prince. He was offered to be made Constable of France, with 500,000f. a year, and the Palace of the Elysee for his residence. Another offer, alleged to have reached him through Persigny, raised the proferred appointments to a million of francs per annum. 'A celebrated ex-minister was offered the' situation of Archtresorier under the future Emperor. It seems hardly credible, but we have also heard that the leading members of the OdillonBarrot Ministry, including its chief, were successively tempted and tampered with. Sometimes the coup was to be struck in concert with the Party of Order against the Reds — sometimes in concert with the against the Or-. leanists and Legitimists— sometimes in concert with Orleanists against Legitimists, and then again for the ultimate profit of the Legitimists against, their adversaries of all shades of colours. To do the President justice, however, he never appears to have disguised his intention of concentrating all the powers of the State in, his. own person, or to have held any other language than what he holds now as to the unfitness of the French people for Parliamentary institutions, and the superior benefits — hourly growing more and more apocryphal — which they would derive from despotism. When General Mag nan was first applied -to, he refused to take the responsibility 'of putting bis troops in motion against the Assembly, unless the order came through the regular channel of the War-office ; and' so long as Gen. Randon remained Minister of War, this was impracticable. The difficulty was eventually removed by the substitution of General St. Arnaud, a man whose known antecedents left little doubt of his willing and able co-operation. Why does not M. Granier de Cassagnac favour the world with biographical sketches of the principal aiders and abetters in the coup— c Persigny,- s St. Arnaud', De^Morny, De Maupae, Veron^&c. ? M. de Maupas (according to, the Bulletin Francais) eained the President's confidence by what may be termed a civil or administrative
razzia of the most adventurous kind. In hi 5 capacity of Prefect of Toulouse, to which be was - nominated by Louis Napoleon, he one day called, on the Magistrate who had the conduct of a process against certain persons accused 0/ an illicit assemblage, and proposed to him to convert it - into an affair of political importance, by characterising it as « conspiracy, and by joining in the accusation thirty- two respectable inhabitants of the department, including three Members of the Conseil General. On being informed that there was not the semblance of a proof against either of them, he coolly proposed to supply the deficU ency with the aid of a police agent from Paris, who would undertake to place papers, powder, and grenades, in their respective domiciles. The Magistrate indignantly refused, and communicated what had passed to the Chief Judge of Toulouse, who disbelieved 1 this story, and sent the Procureur-General to^M. de Maupas, who without the smallest hesitation, repeated his suggestion, and accused the Magistrate of undue » squeamishness for objecting to it. The Chief Judge made a note of, the ciicumstances, and sent it to the Minister of Justice. The Minister of Justice waited with the note- on the President, who agreed that M. de Maupas must be instantly dismissed. Now comes the c/eam of the story, as told by the Bulletin. The Minister of Justice left the Elysee glowing with admiration for the noble sentiments of the head of the Executive, and loudly censured the folly and injustice of suspecting him of a plot against the State ; when his enthusiasm was suddenly damped by the intelligence that M. de Maupas had been promoted from his provincial employment to the direction of the police of Paris, in which a more extended and appropriate field lias been opened for his abilities and accomplishments. It is not too much to say that this man has now the honour, fortunes, lives, and liberties of millions at his disposal. The required number of inferior instruments — particularly the generals of brigade and colonels — are said to have been gradually won over by bribes or promises. The officers and regiments suspected of disaffection to the Elysee were sent away, and replaced by others more amenable to reason ; and soon after the Assembly commenced its, last session its leading members-became aware that they were entirely at the mercy of the President. Their conduct in this crisis of their fate 'was certainly not remarkable for prudence, firmness, or sagacity.' They neither resisted with calm courage, nor fell with dignity. The question which naturally occurs to every one on hearing their story is, why did they not unmask the projected coup d'etat, and state, one after another, in the Tribune, the distinct proofs of the President's treasonable intentions, which had been supplied to them by his open and unabashed manner of advancing them? Why was General Changarnier silent on this point? Why did he not long before denounce the attempt to tamper with his honour and fidelity I The only answer is, that they had at length made up . their minds to adopt this course, and that the occasion selected was the expected debate on the Responsibility Bill, which unfortunately was anticipated by the coup. To have accused the President at any preceding period, theyurge, might have precipitated a civil war," and there was no knowing whether the Republicans might not have taken a fatal advantage of the opportunity. We must also be excused for suggesting that the standard of political morality or public virtue is far from elevated amongst the French ; that one necessary consi queuce of their frequent revolutions js indifference touching law or legality ; and that many of those who were scunded by Louis Napoleon probably did ,not expose his designs, because they thought the time might come when it might -suit them to join with him. Moreover, it may be doubted whether his overtures were of so marked and defined- a nature- as to admit of being specifically brought forward as- the foundation . for a formal impeachment. . * General Changarnier, we, are in-formed, far from being unwilling to expose the overtures made to him, was with difficulty restrained, on two or three occasions, from denouncing the President's treasonable projects from the tribune ; and he supplied bis political and personal friends, from time to time, with ample means of verifying the accurracy of his revelations, which were generaly known long prior to the 2ud of December last; Thus, prior to his well-known interview with Persigny last summer, at which those overtures were renewed, he requested Jour eminent members of the monarchical party to be in attendance-; and the moment Persigny > left him, he repeated the whole of what' had passed to them, having announced that he should do so to prevent any suspicion of his good faitb. In fact the collateral as well as the direct proofs- of Louis Napoleos's continuous scbemesj from, the very day of bis election, for the overthrow of the Constitution of 1848, are so numerous that no reasonable doubt can exist as to them. It was their Very frequency and notoriety that threw the objects of his machinations off their guard when the long threatened and often-expected blow was < struck in good earnest. After General St. Arnaud's speech during the debate on the Questor's motion, it was thought for some minutes that it would be carried by an overwhelming majority. During 'the brief interval of' suspense, General St. Arnaud joined M. - de Morny and General Magnan, and all three hastened from the Assembly, They were observed to take the direction of the Tuilleries, the bead-quarters of the etat major ; and itis known that, after going thither and leaving some orders they repaired to the Tuilleries. The cause of their departure was soon bruited about. It was understood that they had gone to prepare for resistance, and that a coup d'etat,' or a fight in the streets of Paris, was inevitable if the motion was carried. The Elyseeansopenly avowed :lhat, in this contingency, the coup would probably be attempted within twenty-four, hours; -and the fear of precipitating a catastrophe kept many honest . friends of order from voting. The National' Guard was paralyzed by a clever trick. The whole" of their drums were removed; at two o'clock on ' the . morning of the 2nd of December, and it* was consequently impossible to beat the rappcl.
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New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume VIII, Issue 731, 4 August 1852, Page 4
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1,658SECRET HISTORY OF THE FRENCH COUP D'ETAT. [From the Morning Chronicle.] New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume VIII, Issue 731, 4 August 1852, Page 4
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