AMERICA AND ENGLAND. [From the New York Journal of Commerce.]

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume VIII, Issue 730, 31 July 1852, Page 4

AMERICA AND ENGLAND. [From the New York Journal of Commerce.]

The Kossuth doctrine of intervention to prevent intervention would, if made a general principle of action, involve us in continual war. It is equally opposed to the counsels of the fathers of the Republic, to the spirit of the constitution, ■and to our natural interests. Still a case might - be supposed in which intervention on our part -would be expedient and necessary. The last accounts from Europe inform us that -England was brushing up her defences by sea and land, and increasing her army, evidently with a view to the possible contingency of an attempted - invasion from the continent. Certainly we do not anticipate such an attempt — yet there is no knowing to what extremes the genius of despotism •may run, now that it has got -possession of, or holds under terror, every nook and corner of continental Europe. The troubles of 1848 were very grievous to the crowned heads, and they will take good care not to be caught in such a scrape again. They have now, as tliey think, got the bull by the horns, and will try hard to secure him 'beyond the possibility of escape. Now, suppose that in the intoxication of victory, they should think this a favourable moment to crush the only remaining European* nation that gives them any trouble or causes them any serious apprehensions ■for the future ; and suppose the preparations for that end should be so formidable that we were •compelled to doubt the ability of England, with all her power, to meet the crisis successfully, what would then be the duty and interest of the United States ? Should we wait to see the grand bulwark of constitutional freedom in Europe broken down, 4>r should we regard an attack upon England as, in effect, an attack upon ourselves, and so rally to her defence, as the best, if not the only means of defending ourselves ? We can easily imagine any condition of things which would make such a course not only expedient but necessary. And if ever such a condition of things shall exist (which may God prevent) we, will join the loudest and the foremost in rousing the nations to arms. If our liberty was worth achieving, it is worth preserving. We say our liberty, for it is one thing to battle for our own liberty, and * very different thing to mingle in every petty struggle of a clan or faction, to gain what they call their freedom, - by overthrowing the government under which they live. Fortunately, if need be, England and the United States can together meet the world in arms. They have nearly all the good seamen on the globe, and a vastly greater steam as well as •ailing marine, than all the world besides. As neither of them can be approached from the"European' continent except by sea, they could compel ..the enemy to meet them first on that element ; or in case a landing should be effected, they could cat off retreat by destroying the means of escape, and prevent reinforcement. An absolute command of the ocean, such as they could jointly maintain, beyond dispute would place them in a great measure beyoud the reach of continental armies. The onward march of despotism in Europe, and the uncertainty what machinations it may yet devise against the few remaining free nations of the eartb, should attach us to England, and England to us. Heretofore the two nations have sometimes quarrelled, but hereafter they must -be friends. Why should they not be? AH their important disputes are settled, and their mutual rights acknowledged or acquiesced in by land and

sea. England has learned to regard us, not as ft rebellious colony, nor as a feeble power, but as • nation of vast resources and elements of strength —her equal in many respects, her superior in some) and in none a competitor to bo despised. < Her bearing towards us, of late, is respectful and' friendly" She is proud of such a son, and wo ought to be proud of such a parent." With all her faults, England is the focus of freedom and civilization, of humanity and religion in Europe, aud if spite of our grumbling, if slie were blotted from the map of nations, a sense of bereavement and desolation would come over us, such as the extinction of no o»ber nation would produce. This shows that we love England much better than we pretend to— better, in fact, than any other nation. Let us not be misunderstood. We do not believe that any combined movement of despots will be made against England ; and the reason is, that they could have little hope-of success. I' lingland were a second rate power she would be invaded and overwhelmed, beyond a question. Her security is in her strength. Again, if a combined movement were made against her, we believe *he could repel it without our assistance. But if she could not, or feared she could not, and should call upon Jonathan for support, on the ground that it was a common cause in which we were to be engaged, and that if England should be put down America would be the next victim, we believe a case wonld have arisen in which " intervention" would be justifiable and probably demanded by. the highest interest of the nation. Let us reserve our strength for such great emergencies, and not waste it upon wild and foolish adventures.

We read with the sincerest gratification, an article in the New York Journal of Commerce on the sympathy which exists between England ami America. We shall always claim a proud right to rejoice io it, for we have ever felt it, constantly labcured to strengthen and extend it. With us it has not grown out of any apprehended necessity ; it has been the unceasing appreciation of the interests of both countries under all circumstances. The New York Journalist, though doing us the justice to believe that we can take care of ourselves, yet owns that it would become " expedient and necessary," in case despotic Europe should put us in any real peril, to help us to" sweep the seas and maintain one bulwark of liberty in the old world. The old instinct of family, the old predilections of thought and feeling, are in the declaration. It is the more valuable, as the writer maintains firmly the general policy of non-intervention scarcely deviating from it in the confession that England and the United States must be considered as one, and their dangers as common to both. " She (England) is proud of such a sou, and we ought to be proud of such a parent. With all her faults, England is the focus of freedom and civilization, of humanity and religion in Enrope, and in spite of our grumbling, if she were, blotted from the map of nations, a sense of bereavement and desolation would come over us, such as the extinction of no other nation would produce. This shows that we love England much better than we pretend to — better, in fact, than any other nation." We trust and believe that we shall only have to thauk America for this indication of affection. We are, however, proudly grateful for it. Alliances, now-a-day, are not mere capricious choices, accidental compacts. Their reality grows out of much more vital relations. As our New York friend observes, our old quarrels are adjusted ; respect has succeeded to enmity. Long be it so ; not for the sake of this country alone, but that opinion and progress may still have in each hemisphere a safe home in which to keep life for the, benefit of the world. Opinion, - indeed, is finally shut out of France.- The press there is completely and effectually enslaved, No more state censorship — the editor must be his own censor — his paper ceases when he offends the Government. There is the merit in this of not doing things by halves. English papers must be licensed as well as stamped, to be admitted into France at all. One month's to two years' imprisonment, £4 to £200 fine, arethepenalfiesofunauihorized introductions. The President is consistent, and perhaps wise in his generation. For ourselves, we are content. We used, in our foreign articles, to addres3 France as well as England. Our present strictures would be treason to her Government. The system of tbe^two nations have become as opposite as those of America and Japan. We cannot pretend to judge of our neighbour ; we are content that they should shut their ears to us. We are bound to declare, on evidence from many quarters, that the majority of Frenchmen find, at least, a respite from wearisome dread in the present state of things-; that they are patient, if not content. We speak, of course, of all but the leaders of thought, whose value of life is gone when they are mute. So, adieu to France, though the adieu will be unknown till better times bid us again shake bands. Meanwhile, we scarcely wish better to ourselves than to those from whom we are for the moment unwillingly estranged. — Dispatch, Feb. 22.