KOSSUTH—A PSYCHOLOGICAL PHENOMENON. [From the Economist, November 8.]

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume VIII, Issue 714, 5 June 1852, Page 4

KOSSUTH— A PSYCHOLOGICAL PHENOMENON. [From the Economist, November B.]

Whatever may be the merits of Kossuth's po-, licy, or the vices of his private life, his influence over his countrymen is very great. The fact is attested by bis whole career. The power of Rienzi, the rise of Cromwell, the elevation of Bonaparte, is not more extraordinary than this village" attorney becoming the governor of feudal, aristocratic, and imperial Hungary, and, in that character, deposing the house of Hapsburg, and sustaining for some time an unequal contest with Austria and Russia. Defeated in the end by jealousy and treachery, the bulk of the people remained true to him and his cause. No other person in the late convulsions, nor even in the first French Revolution, attained a like elevation, or possessed similar influence. The steps of Bonaparte's throne were laid for him by the destruction of all previous authotify ; and he only climbed up the giddy height by years of military toil and numerous victories. To find any resemblance to Kossutb in the present day, we must go to the European or Asiatic provinces of Turkey, where a fanatic Dervish or a maniac MoJlab sometimes kindles enthusiasm amongst the rude inhabitants, and makes the Sultan tremble in Constantinople for his sovereignity. Though, removed from Hungary, the influence of Kossutb over the minds of bis countrymen depending on bis personal qualities, is not destroyed, if it be weakened, if it be not even strengthened by bis exile ; and, compared to that great fact, his policy and bis private character are trifling matters, not worthy of much consideration. What he may have done or what he may have neglected, is like the deeds and the negligence of others ; it is the roan himself who is the marvel. His orations have been compared to the Philippics, but the eloquence of Demosthenes, directed to a few fellow-citizens, continued for some time, and having for its burden a single subject, was feeble in its consequences, compared to the eloquence of Kossuth. By his tongue, and his pen he has made himself the wonder of the age. What we stated last week of his facility in adapting his language and his sentiments to his audiences, is confirmed by his proceedings since. On Monday he addressed a large body qf tbe working classes iv Copenhagen fields, and to say be was as familiar with their ideas, and appealed as skilfully to their hopes, their fears, and their prejudices, as Mr. Fenrgus O'Connor, or the late Mr. Hunt, would be doing him an injustice. He appealed much mor_e skilfully ; he carried the crowd with him ; and bis speech will be admired when read by the most intelligent of the working classes, while tbe most fiashy and most popular orations of these leaders were read with ennui or disgust bytbose wha applaudecHWorator.- Take for example, his remarks on commencing his address on Monday : — " Gentlemen— l most warmly thank you for i your generous sentiments of active and operative, sympathy with the freedom and independence of my native land, so clotely connected — as you have rightly judged — with the freedom and independence of other nations on tbe European continent. It is to me highly gratifying to know that, a large party of tbe present meeting belongs to the working classes. It is gratifying to me, because, if to belong to tbe working classes implies a map whose livelihood depends on his own honest and industrious labour, then none amongst you has more right to call himself a working man than I so to call myself. I inherited nothing from my dear father, and I have lived my whole Ufe. by, my own honest and industrious labour. This, my condition, I consider to have been my first claim to my people's confideuce, because, well they knew that being in tbat condition 1 must intimately know, the wants, the sufferings, and tbe necessities of the people. And so, assuredly it was. It is, therefore, that Iso practically devoted my life to procure and secure political and social freedom to my people ; not to a race, not to a class, but to the whole people. Besides, I devoted all my life for many years, by the practical means of associations, to extend the benefit of public instruction to working classes, and to forward the material welfare of. tbe agriculturists, of tbe .

manufacturers, and of the trading men. Amongst .all the enterprises to that effect at that time of my life, when 1 was yet in no public office, but a private man, there is none to which I look back with more satisfaction and pride than to the association for the encouragement of manufacturing industry — lo its free^sch'ools, to its exhibitions, to its press, and to its affiliations. Besides conferring immense material benefits, it proved also politically beneficial, by- bringing in closer contact and more friendly relalioris the different classes of my I ■dear native land, by interesting the working clas?es in the public political concerts of our nation, and by so developing a strongly united public opinion to support me in my~chief aim, which was conserving the municipal and constitutional institutions of my country — to substitute for the privileges of single classes, the political emancipation of the whole people, and substituting freedom to class privileges — to impart to the people the faculty of making the constitution a common benefit to all, for ail — in a word, to transform the closed ball of class privileges into an open temple of the people's liberty." All that is precisely what the most intelligent of our working classes are saying every day of their lives. It is' the same with his well expr.essed opinion as to the homage to be paid to the multitude — " I said at Southampton that in these demonstrations of the operative* classes I recognize that natural instinct of the people, before which every individual greatness must bow down with respect. The same acknowledgment I have to make on this occasion, only on a larger scale, and in a higher degree." How flattering, too, is what follows, and not the less flattering because many amongst ourselyes think attention- to foreign affairs not very desirable in tb,e working classes. They, however, we know, entertain a 'different opinion :—: — " Attow me, firstly, to congratulate you on the attention which you have hereby proved that you devote to public matter*, to the glory as well as to the interests of your country^ and to the freedom and interests of humanity. May this public spirit never decrease, may every Englishman forever feel that it is the basis of all constitutional organisation, be it under a republican or a monarchical form, that it is the public opinion of tlie people which must" give direction to the policy of the country, and that it is ftherefore not o>nly the right, but also the duty of every, honest citizen to the development and expression of that public opinion; of 'which' the legislative, as well as the executive authorities are, and must be, faithful representatives. AJlow me, secondly, to congratulate you oo the just and happy instinct with which, bestowing your attention on pnblic concerns, you have seized the very point which really is the most important amongst all in which the mind and the heart of Englishmen can be interested. That point is the freedom of the European continent." Having so cleverly appealed to opinions -supposed to be more elevated and disinterested than ordinary motives, see how skilfully he ! afterwards applied himself to what are described as more vulgar considerations :—: — ! " You live by honest labour. You have your manufactured products to dispose of, for which you want large free jafai&fils find free trade. Now it is as obvious as 'that two and two make four, that without Europe becoming free, England can have no free trade with Europe. I will show you by facts, that the amount of trade with absolutist Russia and Austria is"7d. per head ; whereas the amount of the trade of England with a free country — with the republic -of the United States of America — is 7s. per head. Wl.at a difference ! Absolutism gives to your trade and industry a market of 7d. per head, freedom gives a market of 7s. per head. Is not the freedom of Europe, then, a question of vital interest to you ? Let us look to consequences. Suppose the price of the bread wbich one of you consumes be three or four pounds ; upon this price you have, by the repeal of the corn laws,, probably not gained more than from fifteen shillings to a pound. Certainly a great benefit. But suppose the 120 millions who inhabit Russia, Austria, Italy, and Hungary, to become free, and being free, to consume as much of your manufactures' as the United States (though iv part highly manufacturing themselves) consume per bead, that would give a market of at least sixty millions sterling to England, which would prove a benefit of two or three pounds a, year per head to you." These are only specimens. Every address is full of similar appeals/founded on some great principle, antf in general at once popular, true, and good. Since last week his address to the people of the Unite.d States : h»s been published, and a paper mote calculated to interest the Americans in his favour, and make them support his cause, it is impossible to write. We can only afford room for one specimen, but it appeals mast forcibly to the vanity of our cousins. After giving a ■ succinct history of' the Hungarian struggle, dwelling on the "exertions and virtues of the Hungarians, M. K'pssuth said :—: — "Free citizens*/ Aafefica,'l'ronPyqur history, as from the star of hope in midnight gloom, we drew our confidence and resolution in the doubtful days of severe (rial. Accept, in the name of my countrymen, th|s .declaration as a tribute of \ gratitude. And you,' excellent people*, who, were ! worthy to be chosen by the Almighty as an ex : I ample to show the wo|ld bow to deserve "freedom; how to win it, and how to use it — you- will allow that the Hungarians, "though weaker and lets fortunate than you, through the decayingjnfluences *of.'the European society, are not upwortby to" be your imitators, and that you would be pleased to see the stars of your" glorious flag. emblazon the double cross of/ the Hungarian coat-of-arms. When despotism burled defiauce at us, and began the bloody war, your inspiring example upheaved the nation as one man, and legions, with all the means of war, appeared to rise from nothing, as the tender grass shoots up after spring showers."' Whep he replied to the address of th,e. Society of Friends of Italy* on Wednesday, knowing ;that they are generally composed of persons who demand interference hy arms in the cause of liberty;, and identify Mazzini with that cause, .he went further than usual in advocating interference :—: — " When I hear men speak o[ the moral force of public opinion, I .must frankly confers my belief .that it is very rarely that public opinion is I

previously restricted and clearly confined within certain limits — when men say that although such be our public opinion, we will not avail ourselves of those media of action which circumstances may render necessary — then I believe that in that condition of things it is very possible that public opinion will-not be of any weight. Public opinion, to have an effect on the freedom of the world, must be ready to say, " Now we will go to war if our opinion be misled." Such pronunciation would be a difficult thing to obtain in England, where there are numerous classes who would be terrified at the name of war ; still, if you merely declare that you sympathise with the cause of freedom, but will never in any case take up arms for it, such public opinion merely gives a charter to despotism. I will not say that there is not one or another parly which does not concur with him and his aims : I will not say that the whole Italian nation is included in his individuality, but this I know, that a very large party— the only party that has a future in Italy — is returned in his person (M. Mazzini.) " Such opinions were admirably well adapted to that particular auditory. It is not merely, then, that M» Kossuth writes and speaks clearly, in a foreign language ; that has been done by many others. We have had within the year to speak of^Signor Mariotii's work on Italy, written in English with remarkable elegance and power. Subsequently we noticed the scientific work* of Mr.; Adorno, a Mexican gentleman, riot long' resident in England, written by him in English that a native might envy. It is not an uncommon thing for Germans, after a residence in England, or some acquaintance with our countrymen, to write English extremely well. Mr. Beckford wrote "Vathee," in French, with all the ease and charm of a Parisian. Goldoni, an Italian, after some years' residence in Paris, wrote a comedy in French which acquired great celebrity, and long kept possession of the French stage, in company with the comedies of Moliere. To compose Latin, and Greek is common to schoolboys and professors at Oxford. Whatever there may ,be surprising in any or all of these achievements is equalled by the knowledge possessed by ' Kossuth, the Hungarian, of the English language, and his facility for using it. He never before was in England, he cannot have seen and familiarly communicated with many Englishmen. I He has worked, as be says, for his own living. He has been busily and continually engaged for | many year* as a reporter, as an editor of a paper, as a statesman, with the highest "and most important affairs, and his, mastery over our language ia itself almost a miracle. But when to this we add an eloquence that, in speaking to an Englishman, is as influential- as the orations of Brougham or the sermons of Chalmers ; which affects the hearts and rouses the passions of the multitude more, perhaps, than ever they did, which stirs the blood of Englishmen, and kindles their political enthusiasm like the. speeches of Chatham ; Kos- I suih's powers appear to us superior to anything of the kind before heard of in the history of mankind. The man is a psychological phenomenon, such as has very rarely, if ever, before been • known amongst men. Other foreigners have of late years crowded into the country, sdme of them making as great or greater pretensions than Kossutb, but not one of them has ever very successfully addressed in English an English audience. At the dinner whicli followed the meeting on Monday, M. Louis Blanc had to speak to his health : he has now been three years amongst us, associating v.ith literary men, while he is devoted to literature ; he replied in French. Signor Mazzini has appeared more than once in public ; be is highly esteemed by many persons, but his orations are not remembered, Herr Kinkel has been here, M. Ledru Rollin is still here ; the former lectured on German literature, but neither of them, nor any foreigner except Kossuth, has spoken at. length in English, much less acquired a reputation as an English orator equal to that of our most renowned speakers. He stands alone amongst crowds of political refugees in the wonderful mastery he has -obtained over a foreign language, and in the wonderful knowledge he has acquired of the sentiments adapted to different classes and descriptions- of men. The only circumstance that we remember at all akin to bis power, is the preaching of Peter the Hermit, who must have addressed the different Christian nations in their own tongue, when he roused Saxon and Norman, Frank and German, Lombard and Dane ; and kindling in all the various people of Europe a wonderful religious enthusiasm, impelled them ou Asia, and induced millions of men willingly to lay down ibeir lives for their faith. A question of some importance is, How did Kossuth acquire his power ? Is he himself conscious of possessing it! The address to the people of the United States, composed in the very beginning of 1850 or the latter end of 1849, was written in Magyar, and was translated in the United States. It is to be inferred, therefore, that Kossuth at that period was not sufficiently master of the English language to write in it. He could. not have acquired the power by art and industry before that period, , nor could" he have ha.d any knowledge of its existence within him till he reached pur shores. It was impossible (hat he should have had from experience any consciousness of the influence he was destined to exercise when he came hither. He came as an exile, be has spoken, an d lie finds himself at' home. If the. enthusiasm for the man have become less boisterous fban at fir ( st, it seems to be spreading wider. It is calmer, but more earnest. Judgment has come, to the help of impulse, and hasty, ignorant, blind devotion has changed tointelligent and lasting admiration. There are many signs of change in those who were, ready "to scoff," but are now content "to pray." Three weeks ago he kne^ nothing of England, and he was unknown and Unsupported^ Now he is familiar with many, persons and things, and millions o.f men, not long-ago strangers to bit name, are now ready, to peril their lives for his cause. They would do as raqch for Kossuth as for their own Government and country. Such an extraordinary phenomenon cannot be without its meaning. All the remarkable men who have appeared in the- world have been signs of much more than themselves — of a diseased condition of society, or the heralds of great coming changes. Kossoth is obviously one of what Mr. Carlyle calls -the heroes of mankind, and those who have- for some time been looking out

for a man, "may find perhaps in him the persqn sought. Asi* is the land of prophets, the birthplace of religious creeds. Every prevalent form of religion that influences all the generations of men, Budhisra,, as well as Chiistianity, Mahomedanism as well as Brahminism, had its origin in Asia. The influence of Asiatic thought andAsiatic eloquence has. for many ages been conspicuous in human affairs. It would not, therefore, be singular for the child of an Asiatic race, endowed with an Asiatic raind, and the eloquence-, which is one of the attributes of Asia, to be theprophet of a new political creed. Can it be that lie is intended to be the common voice and thecentre of union lor that democracy of *hose sentiments he appear* so apt an interpreter, now apparently ripe for united action ! Hitherto it hasnot found a leader, but has been generally deceived,' betrayed, and desetted by all the demagogues in whom it has put its trust. Whatever may be the real mission of such a man — the sign of' a great disease or a great" improvement — and whatever may be its results,, the peculiar adaptation of his sentiments toothers, and his vast influence, are facts which must not be overlooked. It is of infinite importance also that his influence should br rightlydirected. iVe shal] have lived and studiedindeed in vain, and statesmen and public writers wilJf boast very erroneously of their knowledge and* wisdom, if they, are. uuable to malce such a phenomenon the "instrument^ of good, and if they allow it to become the source of disorder, disturbance and convulsion. What he has hitherto doneseems unimportant in comparison to what, if he live, he may do. That his influence should be guided by wise councils, is now a matter of someconsequence to the civilized world, as well as toM. Kossutb. If, with a universal diffusion of calicoes and cutlery, of lea and coffee, there isalso to be a diffusion of similar moral qualities and similar political creeds — if the union of mankind by trade is to be followed by their union, through similar -political sentiments and forms of government— rif a close moral as well as a material connection be in the course and order of nature — and if M. Kossutb be an instrument for prpmotiog that end— it must be the duty of all men to bring- it about peacefully, aud with asmuch respect' as possible for the prejudices and privileges, for the dignities and rights of thosp.. whose superiority, the offspring of a past, will V incompatible. with the future condition of society, M. Kossuth's address has found ready acceptance in the Uuited States, The journals, whicb, there are an expression »oT the people's feelings, and opinions, ljave* praised it much. Both iiv America, teeming with- refugees from all paits of Europe, and here amongst ourselves, and on theContinent, the interference of the great American, democracy in the political affairs of Europe isspoken of and invoked. Over that democracy, M. Kossjiih is obviously destined to exercisegreat power. We may imagine what his influence will be there from his address, and from what it has been here. Over Europe, too, that democracy influenced by him, will in its turn exeicise increasing influence. It has already had great effect. No art can conceal the magnificent growth of the Uuited States in power, nor disguise its. cause from the suffering people of Europe. Theold statement, of a great abundance of land being the wonderful prosperity, is put down alike by the acknowledged fact, that labour produces all wealth,, wins it from the sea and the deep caverns of the earth, as well as from its fertile, illumined, and gladsome surface — and by the fact that in the-slowly-improving or retrograding countries of Europe, land, in relation to people, is more abundant than in the inhabited portions of the States. To prevent the influence of the American democracy over the populations of Europe — to check theadmiration of the principles of its Government,, which has already led to imitation in the molt renowned nation of Europe, and which is daily growing in strength and influence as its vast resources and tapid improvements become known — is now impossible. Those governments on th« continent, therefore, will be wise which recognise these facts in time and take measures, likethe President of the French Republic, to makethe multitude the supporters of order, by shewing a deference to their wishes, and admitting them, to a share of political power. *"