THE FRENCH—RUMOURS OF THE DAY. [From the Times, December 30.]

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume VIII, Issue 708, 15 May 1852, Page 4

THE FRENCH— RUMOURS OF THE DAY. [From the Times, December 30.]

It would seem to be one of the commonest perversities of human nature, especially at moments of public excitement, not only to reject what is accurately true with an air of sapience and caution worthy of the most sceptical philosophers/ but as the same time to swallow what is false and absurd with the utmost credulity. The late revolution in Paris and the no less startling coup d' &at which removed Lord Palmerston from office have given rise to an inexhaustible supply of what were termed " canards" by our French neighbours when they still bad the privilege of reading a newspaper ; and whenever we cast our eyes over the columns of our contemporaries we are amused by the profundity of their arguments to throw doubt on some well ascertained fact, or by the liveliness of their assertions in matters not subsequently confirmed by experience. Indeed, it would seem to be one of the principal functions of other public writers in ibis couutry to contradict the statements and confute the fallacies of this journal ; and we are extremely indebted to our colleagues for their incessant anxiety lest we should unhappily chance to mislead the public. We cannot say that 'we often testify the same sensitiveness to the accuracy of their narratives or tbe soundness of their opinions. When we have done what is in our power to obtain the best information, and to form a correct and independent judgment upon it, we leave it to others to dispute it, and to time to prove it. The question for the public to decide is not whether it agrees with or differs from the particular views of a newspaper, but whether they support the inferences we draw from them. The bulk of the

English nation show pretty plainly that they have ■o taste for wrong-headed disputation or captious subtleties, and, without attempting to reply to our raany-tonoued assailants, we shall continue to tell the history of the- times in our own way. Yet,, as we have just observed, the suddenness and importance of the late events in the streets of Paris and in the Cabinet of London have been extremely favourable to the circulation of counterfeit " facts" in place of sound coin. People, we are told, are still found to believe that Louis Napoleon, in making what our Radical contemporaries style " the glorious coup of the 2nd of December," was animated by the purest concern for liberal government all over the world, and, incited by a conspiracy (tlien about to explode) against his own person, he has thrown himself into the arms of his faithful troops : but then we are asked, with a tone of triumph, " What is more averse lo war than an army which has to endure all the fatigue of campaigning ?" He has allied his Government to M. de Montalembert and the Jesuits, but can there be a clearer proof of his disposition to secularize and reforir the -Papal Government in Rome ? To the same enlightened persons it is well known that Lord PalraerBton has been the victim of a conspiracy between Lord Grey and the Austrian Ambassador ; that Lord Palmerston ismot only the champion of the independence of - Hungary and of Sicily, but of free trade and parliamentary reform, extending at least to household suffrage ; and that he will shortly return to poweV as Prime Minister, to revolutionize Europe and to establish the ascendancy of democracy in the House of Commons. Nay.even men whose past career and whose present retirement might spare them such attacks are pressed into the service ; and we are gravely informed by the most dignified of our contemporaries, that M. Guizot has given in his adhesion to the Government of Louis Napoleon — that M. Guizot has accepted the Presidency of the new Senate — that M. Guizot is writing a pamphlet in defence of the coup d' Mat. The political career of M. Guizot is so closely connected with the cause of constitutional monarchy and Parliamentary Government, which he practised and upheld as long as be was engaged in public life, and which he has not, even now, ceased to defend and expound in bis writings, that bis bitterest enemy could hardly hazard a more injurious supposition than tbat be had abandoned the principles of his life to accept a place of honour and profit under a Government absolutely opposed in all respects to the opinions of his party. M. Guizot aud his friends, will, however, remain absolute and entire strangers to the present political combinations of France, being neither with the Government nor agaiust it. The circumstances of the time admit of no hostility and no tender of service, though they may command forbearance and acquiescence. But, though the cultivated and j intelligent classes of France may be led by the fear of greater evils to endure a Government diametrically opposed to their tastea, their convictions, and their habits, there is sufficient reason to believe that they will not support it. At present not one name which has figured with honour in the Parliamentary annals of France has passed over to the n«w Government except that of M. de Montalembert ; not one independent journalistbas signed an article in defence of the late usurpation. Pat ties may be divided as to the political necessity which can alone be pleaded in defence of such an action. Different views may still be taken, though we know not upon what grounds, of the future policy of Louis Napoleon's Government ; but as long as honour and consistency have any meaning among that class of meu which furnished lo Fiance her race of Parliamenlaiy statesmen, from M. de Villele and M. Royer Collard to M. Guizot and M. Mole, or even lo their opponents, such men cannot pass into the service of a military regime^ administered by a servile Senate or Council of State, and relying for its duration on the systematic suppression of free discussion. It is certainly no ordinary compliment to the ascendancy of thought and the power of the pen, that a government supported not only by 400,000 bayonets, but by 7 millions of votes, should nevertheless think itself too weak to listen to the voice of expostulation or opposition from any quarter, however humble. There is, however, no doubt from the measures already taken by the French Government, with reference to the press and to every oth^r mode of communicating opinions, that it is the settled purpose of Louis Napoleon and his Ministers to place the newspapers uuder a regular preventive censorship, and even to subject books, as well as pamphlets, to a (lovernmcnt license for publication. We are informed by a very high authority, that this is not a temporary expedient, but the permanent policy of the Government, which is to be enforced by the severest penalties. It is easy to foresee from this treatment of the press, that the constitution about to be piomulgated will effectually legislate against any inconvenient manifestation of opinion hostile to the executive power. Indeed, Louis Napoleon is said to have long since provided "for the present emergency ; for it is characteristic of his unshaken faith in bis own destiny, and his consistent distrust of Parliamentary^governroent, if it, be tiue; as is stated, that the constitution he now vouchsafes to bestow on France, was, in; great part, composed in the prison chamber at Ham, where he succeeded Prince Polignac, to be succeeded in turn by General Changarnier I* Sooner or later we believe that every one of the opinions formed and cultivated by him in solitude or in exile will be applied to the administration of France. Some of them, we may hope, will be dictated by an enlightened regard for popular interests, and by the desire to promote the welfare of the vast population which has committed itself with so few precautions to bis charge. But these and all other objects will be held subordinate to the maintenance of unlimited power. Already the middle and upper classes, which have at least retained those privileges of social independence that survive all other liberties in France, are made to feel the persecution of the police, and are threatened with an increase of their financial burdens. The Archbishop of Paiis, who almost alone An the church of France has preserved a dignified attitude, has been ordered to solicit the appointment of a coadjutor and to travel in the southern departments. ; Professors of law, and history have been compelled jto resign, or threatened with deprivation. The weaker instruments of thegovernment are thrown aside to retain the stronger with more absolute sway. There is no idle attempt to stop, short hali-way between liberty and despotism, aud as long as Louis Napoleon holds the supreme rank

in France, it it probable that ho will retain It by exercise of arbitrary power over every class and every interest of the nation.