New Zealand Spectator AND COOK’S STRAIT GUARDIAN. Wednesday, September 17, 1851.

New Zealand Spectator and Cook's Strait Guardian, Volume VII, Issue 639, 17 September 1851, Page 2

New Zealand Spectator AND COOK’S STRAIT GUARDIAN. Wednesday, September 17, 1851.

However fervent the editor of the dent would have us believe his “ faith in principles” to be, his practice are utterly irreconcilable, find the latter to be marked on aU«>*| by a total want of principle. It«* I£p « no surprise, therefore, that this constitutional principles, on the first tunity the settlers have offered the® W management of their local affairs* counsel them to reject the offer, ] constitutional opposition to the Gove should eventuate in a miserable atteiVß evade the law, or that he should sent the.arguments he finds hitusei > to refute. - No doubt it may be t oJB easy task by the writer in the to misrepresent his opponent, an ■ answer his own misrepresentations, ■ such a course he only impv—s In our observations on showed that the principle of no B vernment, the power to the set ? ' J aging their own affairs was ang; ■ diffused throughout the coro n y cious measures adopted by ,r and that while in other lonists willingly accepted the p them, as affording the rea. ie B rvh.g out local improvements, -

vancing their local interests, in Wellington only were these proffered advantages doggedly refused, on no other grounds, as far as we can observe, than simply because they are offered by the Government. In our observations we considered the present period, —now that we have fairly got rid of the New Zealand Company,—as a fresh starting point for the different settlements, and now that the march of improvement has fairly commenced, we showed that each settlement must fairly depend on the energy and exertions of its inhabitants for its future progress, and that there was some reason to fear, notwithstanding the combination of circumstances which favored this settlement, that Wellington would be distanced in the ‘ ace » that these advantages would be neutralized and lost through the apathy of its settlers and the mischievous conduct of the Faction. But these men refer us to their principles; such a reference would be quite refreshing if here was the slightest prospect of discoverng any principle in their conduct. Priwririis obsta “stick to your principles”—is heir motto, but although, as we have said, ve cannot discover any principle in their proceedings, we may at least compare their professions with their practice, and see whether these are consistent with each other, Mid how these square with " constitutional

principles.” t They profess, on all occasions, a vehement lesire to be governed by the institutions of he mother- country, to which they always afect to refer, and which thev tell us they wish o see reproduced in this colony. But the lower of making local improvements by means of local assessments is one of those institutions which may be found in practical operation in every parish in the United Kingdom ; and when a corporation was granted in Capt. Hobson s time to Wellington, this power was considered by some of these persons to be a great boon ; now, however, that Wellington is practically made by the Town Roads Ordinance a parish with the power of levying local rates for local improvements, they demand that these improvements should be paid for out of the general revenue, which they assert is nearly all spent in salaries to Government officers. We will lot dwell on this head, since this assertion is shown in another part of our paper to be entirely without foundation, neither need we Jtay to point out the gross injustice of asking the country settlers to pay for the improvements of the Town, which would be the .case if these were defrayed from the [general revenue. But we may be allowed Ito remind our opponents that about. onesfourth of the estimated revenue of the settlement for this year is already appropriated jto local improvements in Wellington, to the |erection of an hospital, a gaol, and a lighthouse, —that this is a greater proportion than has been given to any other settlement; and ghat in addition, the two main lines of road, ■the cost of making which was defrayed by |he Home Government), are also kept in regpair by the Government. | But the Faction assert that they oppose tthe Town Roads Ordinance because it was passed by a Nominee Council. If the • had puiy laiih in their principles, why do they fcbey any other law; seeing that all laws Bn the colony past, present, or to come, as gong as the present form of Government Pasts, either have been or will be enacted by [a Nominee Council. Why do they pay any [Customs duties ? Why do the Grand Jurors [assemble once a quarter, since in so doing [they obey a Nominee Ordinance ? Stick to [your principles, we say, be consistent; either [obey all the laws, or refuse to obey any, since your objection, if you have any faith ! a it, applies equally to them all. But the inconsistencies of which these persons are guilty while they prove they-have no faith in their principles, equally demonstrate the actions motives by which they are actuated m their opposition to Government. Ae cannot help at parting giving a little good advice to the writer in the Independent even though, it may not be taken in good Part. We would advise him never to ?.tF ln P t quotations; whenever he does, if it be e commonest French proverb, or the most ackneyed latin phrase he is sure to make stS! ak V nd ex P oBe his ignorance. Let him with J* Vulgar tongue,” the only one havA Jy 11 , !* e can claim acquaintance and «ave his claim allowed.

[from a CORRESPONDENT. j If the man who makes two blades of grass to grow where only one grew before is a benefactor to his country and his kind, what is he who not only raises the seeds of discontent but labours hard day and night to scatter them abroad ? Surely not a benefactor. This thought is suggested by the now being pursued by certain persons in order to defeat the operation of the Roads and Streets Ordinance. It has been asserted by the leading opponent of the measure “ that the great majority of the non-official Magistrates refused to sign” the requisition to proclaim the Ordinance; this would have been more fairly stated by saying that out of twenty-nine Magistrates, fifteen official and seven non-official Magistrates signed; of these last Mr. Clifford subsequently withdrew his signature, thus carrying with ahimgreat majority of one of the non-officials, which might otherwise have been the boast of the other side, as only seven non-officials, himself included, refused to sign. It has also been asserted, as a reason for the rejection of the measure, that the people of New Munster are more heavily taxed than the people of Great Britain ; this is untrue, and they who assert it either know it to be so, or assert it in ignorance of the true state of the case, and at the same time leave out of view altogether the vast amount expended in the colony from the treasury of Great Britain in military and naval expenditure and Parliamentary grants, and which is contributed by our more heavily taxed brethren in the mother-country. Every one who has paid taxes at home, and every one who is acquainted with the amount of taxation in England, knows that the revenue divided by the population gives about £2 per head, but it must also be borne in mind that about 1,500,000 are paupers, who pay no taxes at all, that a large portion of the lower classes pay but a very small proportion of taxes, and that consequently the amount paid by persons, in the same relative condition as to comfort and means as the poorest here, is much higher than the above average. It must also be stated, that for this amount of taxation the people in England get no roads or streets, no gaols, poor houses, hospitals, or lunatic asylums, no police, sheriffs’ or magistrates’ courts, coroners or courts of requests. These are all paid for by other taxation in the shape of highway rates, county rates, poor rates, parochial and general rates ; in fact, the tax-gatherer is always at the door. Now, take the ordinary revenue of the district, and divide it by the population, and it will give less than £2 per head; the native population, who contribute largely to the revenue, are of course taken into account ; whoever would leave them out does not wish to state the question fairly. And this is the sum of our so called grinding taxation, which, from the manner in which it Is levied is felt as lightly as taxation at all can possibly be. Another assertion is that “ of the probable expenditure (£17,000) with the exception of £lOO for ferries, and *£9oo for roads, the jvhole was absorbed in maintaining a hive of official drones" (Dr. F.’s speech, W. 1., Aug. 30th.) Now, look at the estimates ; you will see there, besides the small amounts so carefully selected by the veracious assertor— Police £1854 Hospital 1083 * r t. Xivinmuo, , UMVII vuoirvv —~ Supreme Court 949 Sheriff 1 sand Coroner’s 1 ~ Magistrate’s do. J ”” 1 Customs and Harbour department.... 2'i92 Bank of Issue. 127 Scab Inspector 75 Interest on Fitzroy’s debentures 1 400 Post-office 365 Gaol 14’>0 Printing 200 Lighthouse 1500 New Zealand Society 2 '0 Mechanics’lnstitute.. 200 £11,607 Add the actually necessary cost of carrying on the Executive Government, sjirveys, registry and land departments, and where is this vast amount of peculation so forcibly charged, yet so feebly sustained against the Government ? The speaker may have had faith in the credulity of his hearers, but could have had none in the principle of truth when he uttered it. It must also be admitted that the expense of governing a small community like ours, upon the model of the institutions of our native land, will of necessity be greater in the proportion that the necessary machinery for Government bears to the whole population. Again, it is urged that mv expeußco vm maxing and repairing the roads and streets ought to be defrayed from the general revenue of the province; this would be highly unjust to the other settlements, and totally at variance with the practice in the mother-country, whose institutions we are desirous should form the pattern for our own. Everybody, who knows anything at all about the matter,

Knows that the roads and streets of a town m England are made and maintained by means of a rate levied as nearly as possible in the same manner as is proposed under the town roads act; no one can reasonably contend that the whole power of appropriating the funds does not rest with the ratepayers, and yet one of the influential leaders of the opposition to this measure is reported to have said, at one of their late meetings, More taxes were to be raised, but no control is given over the expenditure.”— (See Mr. Fitzherbert’s speech, W. I„ Aug. 30th.) Then, again, it is argued that there is a great necessity for some such provision, yet it is to be refused, because it is an emanation from a tyrannical and despotic Government, and was passed by a nominee council. Now the nominee council expunged the clause by which it was proposed to give power to the Resident Magistrate to appoint assessors to carry out the ordinance, if commissioners were not elected, or if they failed to perform their duty; and thus gave all the power into the hands of the rate payers, and took away even the slightest appearance of coercion in the bill. Now, a word as to “faith in principles.” Again, quoting from a recent speech, “ It would be an insult on his part if he were, by dwelling further on the great principle involved, to express a doubt as to the determination they would come to, or to breathe a suspicion that they would in the slightest degree swerve from those great principles which they had so stedfastly maintained," Bfc., Bfc„ Bic. — (See Dr. F.’s speech, W. 1., Aug. 30th.) And yet he immediately proposes to his auditors to concede the principle by electing commissioners under the act, it is true that the commissioners were to be such as would pledge themselves to defeat the beneficial operation of the ordinance by levying an insignificant rate; but once elected, and once any rate, however contemptuously levied, what becomes of those great principles ? It may be “faith,” but where is the “ principle” to go upon. And this involves another consideration; until it appeared in actual print, few would believe that five men could be found who would openly and shamelessly declare that they would accept a public trust with the avowed intention to break it, especially amongst those who, assuming to be leaders in public affairs, and therefore from their own assumption of superior rank, or intelligence, or respectability, or wealth, or influence, entitling the public to look to them for precept and example; few would believe that five men of any like station could be found who, under pretence of respect to the law, were deliberately pledged to mock and defy the law, and that amongst them should be two who, as magistrates, have sworn not only allegiance and respect to the law, but to enforce its observance by others. How this may be reconciled to their corTsciences is beyond the imagination of the writer. How it may accord with their duty as citizens, and their duty to that portion of the public who are desirous to see the laws respected, and the gradual progress of social and political improvement developed, may perhaps be seen hereafter; this is certain, that he who for good or evil has acknowledged talent or influence, and uses his talents or his influence for evil onlv, incurs a serious moral responsibility, for which, sooner or later, he will be made accountable.

Surely there is good sense enough in this community to, detect the sophistries and fallacies, to reject the false statements and reasonings of these would be dictators; surely there is independence enough to prevent electors from blindly pledging themselves to support men in such a false position as these self named candidates assume, and to elect men who, having an equal interest with their fellow colonists, wiii pledge themselves to carry out the beneficial spirit of the ordinance in its integrity, and with their best judgment for the public weal. Remember that it is not absolutely necessary to vote for five; each elector may vote for himself if he pleases, or for any one, two, thi ee, four or five as he may think proper; remember also that if you vote for the list put out by the Constitutional Associatiou, you will have no better roads or streets than you have at present, unless the law is called upon to vindicate itself and force the commissioners to do their duty. Therefore vote for men who, however much disinclined to the prominence and responsibilities of such a position, are yet, from a sense of public duty, willing to incur them, in order that the electors may have an alternative proposed to them between accepting and refusing a safe arid practical step in self government, between roads and no roads, —between a due respect to the law and an insolent mockery of it.